Date: November 21, 2009 [end date?]
Location: Centennial High School

Description

On behalf of the Centennial High School Model United Nations Club, we would like to cordially welcome you to the Centennial High School Model United Nations Conference (CHSMUNC). Thank you for your interest in participating in the General Assembly First Committee.

Disarmament and National Security Committee (DISEC) The Disarmament and National Security Committee (DISEC) was established in and concerns itself with matters of disarmament and related international security questions. Officially, Article 11 of the United Nations Charter authorizes the General Assembly to consider “the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armament.” This committee

The Establishment of a Nuclear Free Zone in the Middle East In an effort to prevent the further proliferation of nuclear weapons in the region of the Middle East, numerous States have made calls to establish a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone in the Middle East (MENWFZ). The idea was first introduced by Egypt and Iran in 1974, and Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak even went as far as to propose a zone devoid of all weapons of mass destruction. The definition of a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone was established by the United Nations General Assembly in 1975:

A nuclear-weapon-free zone shall, as a general rule, be deemed to be any zone, recognized as such by the United Nations General Assembly, which any groups of states, in the free exercise of their sovereignty, have established by virtue of a treaty or convention whereby:

a. The statute of a total absence of nuclear weapons to which the zone shall be subject, including the procedure for the delimitation of the zone is defined;

b. An international system of verification and control is established to guarantee compliance with obligations derived from that statute.

The UN General Assembly reaffirmed that right in 1975 and outlined the criteria for such zones. Within these nuclear weapon-free zones, countries may use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Four such zones exist today, and one other has been negotiated but has yet to enter into force. Countries in Latin America (the 1967 Treaty of Tlatelolco), the South Pacific (the 1985 Treaty of Rarotonga), Southeast Asia (the 1995 Treaty of Bangkok) and Central Asia (the 2006 Central Asian NWFZ Treaty) have al forsworn nuclear weapons. African countries also agreed to prohibit nuclear weapons on their continent, but the 1996 Treaty of Pelindaba has not entered into force. Although there are various differences in approaching such a zone, the establishment of a MENWFZ appears to be the unanimous choice to halt the violence in the region. Calls for a NWFZ in the region have been heard as early as on April 15, 2007, as the initial proposition was advanced in Israel as early as 1962. The first proposal, made by Iran and Egypt, was adopted by the General Assembly on December 4, 1974, by 128 votes in favor to none opposed. Most Middle Eastern states lent approval to the initiative; the (formally-recognized) nuclear-weapon states (NWS) also pledged support. However, despite efforts from many states within the region, the establishment of such a zone in the Middle East has been a failure on the most part. The MENWFZ was unanimously adopted into the United Nations, but is still not effective. Along with this, several other international agreements on the dismantling, disposal, and protection of nuclear weapons and materials have been made. However, these agreements have not done enough to stem the possible leaking of nuclear information an d radioactive materials to terrorist groups. This could be due to a lack of governmental oversight, active help among governments or between governments and non -governmental groups, or even the unwillingness of governments to take on the responsibility of protecting these potentially (or even inherently) dangerous materials. One possible problem that could be restraining progression in the effort is the tension between Israel and several other states. Burma and Israel both chose to abstain from voting on the proposal made by Iran and Egypt, and Israel continued to follow this policy of abstention for several more years. Also, the desire of many of the states within the region to acquire nuclear weapons may have also hindered the MENWFZ’s effectiveness.

The UN, however, has continued its calls: UN Security Council Resolution 687, which terminated the Persian Gulf War in 1991, adopted the idea of both an NWFZ and a WMDFZ, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) extension conference in 1995 advocated an NWFZ in its “Resolution on the Middle East.” UNSC Resolution 687 renewed the call for an NWFZ and a zone free of all WMD in its preamble and noted in its 14th operational paragraph that Iraq’s disarmament represented one step toward such a zone that would also be free of “missiles for their delivery.”

BLOC POSITIONS Nuclear weapons States Each treaty establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone includes a protocol for the five nuclear-weapon states recognized under the NPT China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States-to sign and ratify. These protocols, which are legally binding, cal upon the nuclear-weapon states to respect the status of the zones and not to use or threatens to use nuclear weapons against treaty states-parties. Such declarations of non-use of nuclear weapons are referred to as negative security assurances. However, the five nuclear-armed countries have at times signed and ratified a NWFZ protocol and declared conditions reserving the right to use nuclear weapons in certain scenarios against parties to a nuclear weapon-free zone. Considering this, it will be important for each of the Nuclear Weapon State to consider their strategic vested interests in the region before ratifying such a NWFZ.

Middle Eastern countries EGYPT – Egypt is the main country proposing the creation of a NWFZ in the Middle East. It has drafted several resolutions formalizing the proposal. The Egyptian draft resolution ‘calls upon al states in the region to take measures. Aimed at establishing a NWFZ in the Middle East” but does not specify any obligations. Also, it condemned Israel for not signing the NPT and denounces the Israeli government for having policies that do not allow for the establishment of a NWFZ. SUDAN, QATAR, OMAN, SAUDI ARABIA, AND JORDAN – They have all separately expressed their support for Egypt’s proposal. They believe that the fact that Israel has still refused to join the collective security consensus by staying out of the NPT mechanism is cause for great concern. They call for Israel to accede to the NPT and to subject all its nuclear facilities to the IAEA.

IRAN – Iran’s increasing friction with the US and Israel has led to its open denouncement of Israel’s nuclear program. Iranian government officials have accused the IAEA of discrimination despite the fact that Tehran had agreed to open all doors to UN inspectors. They have added that, while Iran wishes to further its nuclear program for peaceful uses with much skepticism from the U.N. and the International Community, Israel has stockpiled prohibited nuclear weapons without any opposition from the IAEA.

ISRAEL – Israel has, in the past, joined in consensus on the resolution in return for another resolution that seeks to have "Israeli Nuclear Capabilities and Threat" discussed at the conference being dropped. Israel will not accept a resolution that is detrimental to their self-interests. It also calls for restructured security architecture in the Middle East, based on the foundation of cooperation, whereby each State would be reassured of the safety of its population and its peaceful existence

1. How should these efforts to establish a NWFZ in the Middle East region be strengthened? 2. What protocols do you believe the United Nations and states, including those which are not part of the region, should take to foster peace in the Middle East? 3. Is establishing an NWFZ in the Middle East the best way to promote peace and non-violence in the region? Why or why not?

Sources http://www.baylor.edu/modelun/index.php?id=58492 http://www.jcpa.org/brief/brief3-27.htm http://www.limun.org.uk/ http://www.nmun.org/archives_comm_guides/09%20Guides/Plen.pdf. http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/political/1com/1comindex1.html http://www.pafkiet.edu.pk/LifeKiet/KIETModelUN/tabid/484/Default.aspx

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