Cely Papers: William Midwynter

Date: [unknown] [unknown]
Location: [unknown]
Surname/tag: cely

This page is a copy of William Midwynter (abt.1450-abt.1501) which is now only accessible for pre-1500 edits. The birth date on that profile is completely arbitrary with no evidential basis.

Contents 1 Biography 1.1 Cely Letters 1.2 Death and Afterlife 1.3 Timeline 1.4 Glossary 2 Research Notes 3 Sources

Biography

William married Alice, widow of John Busshe at some point from May 1477. It is very unlikely to have been that early as John made his will on 21st April and it was proved exactly two months later on 21st June. Unless there was some unusual driving factor, it would seem unlikely that the couple married any time before 1478.

Cely Letters

On Sunday, All Hallow's Eve 1479, William dined at Richard Cely senior's house in London, along with Wylliam Eston. During dinner a letter arrived from Richard's son, George, which he subsequently credited as the reason then buying 60 sacks of VCotswold wool from William, which at the time was located in Northleach.^[1]

William was visited by Richard Cely junior during the end of April, early May period of 1480 to pack the 26 sarplers of wool that the Cely's had bought from him.^[2] William Bretten, a well respected assayer and packer of wool at the time, appraised the wool as fair.^[3] It seems likely that part of this consignment was that shipped to Calais by the Celys on the 2nd June. At the same time that this shipment was being prepared, Richard, who had previously returned to London, returned to the Cotswolds and this time William sold him 1,500 fells for Richard and his brother, George, and another 1,500 fells for his father, Richard. These 3,000 fells were transported to London and arrived there on the same 2nd June.^[4] Richard himself described the purchase of 2,5000 fells, 1,500 at £3 per 100, and 1,000 at £3 3s 4d per 100. The letter also illustrates a typical payment schedule, including carriage, with £40 at porchase, £20 at Bartholomew’s-tide and a final £20 at {All] Hallow’s-tide.^[5]

Over a three week period from the end of April until about half way through May, William was visited in the Cotswolds by Richard Cely junior on the business of buying fleece and fells for the Cely's Staple business. The sale included 22 sarplers and a poke of wool, 4 of middle quality, most likely at Northleach, and another 4 sraplers at Campden, 2 of good and 2 of middle quality. According to WIlliam Bretten, it was the fairest wool that he had seen so far that year. William also sold, judging by other sales, likely a few thousand fells to Richard for £3 40d per 100,, which judging by Richard's letter, was a higher price than he would have expected to pay, but one which he felthe had no choice but to accept.^[6]

During the same visit William had the opportunity to play matchmaker for the unmarried Richard, introducing him to the 'young gentlewoman', Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Lemarcke. Lemarcke was described in Richard's letter as the 'the greatest ruler and richest man in that country', presumably the Cotswolds area. Thomas was from Cirencester, Gloucestershire and Stowell, Worcestershire, M.P. for Gloucestershire and a Justice of the Peace.^[7] William nust have known Thomas pretty well to have been in a position to propose a match for his daughter that was taken quite seriously. Richard was clearly taken with Lemarcke's daughter and arranged to meet her father in London, but ultimatley nothing came from the match.^[6]

Before the end of the courting, at the end of April, William was summoned to London by men of John Petite, who was appointed in 1484 to search the realm for defective wool. It seems likely that this earlier summons was for a similar inquiry. At the tiomes there were concerns over the quality of the wool being provided by merchants, with practice of inwinding being prevalent; that is the practice of winding inferior wool into the interior of a bale with superior wool on the surface. This appears to have been a general summons, rather than an implication that William was doing this, and given the presence of Willilam Bretten at the packing of his wool, it seems quite unlikely that William did do this, at least with clients like the Celys, who were regular customers, and William does seem to have generally had a good reputation. THe inquiry required him to return to London the following Michaelmas.^[6][7]

1482 continued to see rising prices, which caught out William, Halfway through September he had reralised that he was short of cash,and wroye to [[Ricjard Cely junior asking if he could pay £200 due in November by early in October. From the letter it would appear that he had probably promised tp buy wool at a price he expected not to exceed 13s 8d per tod, but in the event couldn't be bought for less than 14s or 14s 6d. The letter implies that he couldn't just buy less wool to suit the amount of money he did have, and that the payment is due soon and William is otherwise unable to pay. William estimates that he will make a loss of a noble and 10s per sack or sarpler (an abbreviation makes it unclear which).^[8] The section regarding the loss is a little confusing, as the purchaers of wool usually paid in arrears, usually a third at purcgase, and two further installmenst during the year. It might be that Willliam is just talking about the equivalence in his immediate cashflow in terms of expected income from the previous year's sales against his upcoming purchases.

This letter from William is unique in that he wrote it himself, as opposed to being a character in letters written by the Celys. It survived as Richard Cely junior forwarded it at the beginning of October to his brother George, uncertain as to how he should reply George was something of a hoarder of his paperwork, and it was this collection that was eventually seized as evidence in a later Cely family dispute, the letters then remaining held in the legal system and not returned to the family. It gives an insight into William;s own use of language, both in idiom and the quite variant spelling apparent in the letters written by the Celys. Whilst of the wealthy merchant class, it is still rare to have a letter such as this surviving over half a millenium from someone not directly involved in government.

William was in London by the 17th October, but hadn't yet spoken to Richard Cely junior. One gets the impression that Richard was probably avoiding him. Richard has decided that he will need to depart from the original agreement with William, although he isn't explicit at this point exactly how. He does however state that the Celys' debtors are slow payers, which possibly indicates that they too are having cash flow issues^[9].

In June 1498, William's name appears in a Letter Close concerning the family dispute that arose after the death of Richard Cely junior. It doesn't appear that William was personally involved in any way, but it does show that purchases with payments on credit by Richard from William were guaranteed by members of his wife, Anne née rawson's, family. It would appear that whilst William did get paid, the guarantors did not get refunded.^[10]

Death and Afterlife

William most likely died at the end of Match or beginning of 1501, his last will and testament being signed on March 28th, just after Lady Day and hence just into the new year. It was proved on 7th May. He describes himself as 'being of whole mind and good memory', but neglects to say the same of his physical health.^[11]

In his will William specified that his body was 'to be buried in the parish church of Northleach at the Chancel door under the blessed crucifix of our lord'. It seems likely that this was pre-arranged and happened, probably due to donations he and his fellow merchants made for the improvement of Northleach church. Today, his brass lies alongside that of his wife in the main body of the church still, although a little worse for wear, and nearby her first husband, John Bush,and other mostly related members of the wool merchant elite of that particular time.

William's will starts with the usual religious formulae, and where he should be buried. Of themselves they speak more to his social status. However, they are followed by numerous bequests to churches which indicate that he took the belief system of the time seriously and was attempting to ensure prayers for himself following his death.

To this end William bequeathed 40s (£2) to the high alter of Northleach church in recompense for any oversights in dues in his lifetime for the discharge of his soul, and also £10 towards the building of a roodloft at the church. He left 6s 8d (a gold noble, 80d) to each of the churches of Farmington (Thormerton) and Naunton, 3s 4d (40d) each to the churches of Broad Rissington (Great Rissington) and Chedworth, and 20d each to the diocese church at Worcester, and the 17 churches of Bishops Cleeve, Coln Dennis, Coln Rogers, ompton Abdale, Dowdeswell, Eastington, Guiting Power (Nether Guiting), Hampnett, Hawling, Hazleton, Notgrove, Sherborne, Shipton Oliffe, Temple Guiting, Turkdean, Winstone and Withington. This adds up of a total bequest of £14 10s to the Church.

For religious observance, William that two specified that two taoers, of 5lb in weight annually, were to burn in front of the sacrement on Divine feats, Sundays and holy days at NOrthleach church. The tapers were tpo be renewed 4 times during the year. Additionally Alys was to arrange for an honest and well disposed priest to sing, pray and do divine service for William's soul, the souls of his father, Thomas, and mother, Elizabeth, four deceased children, Jane, Richard, Elisabeth and Agnes and for three other apparently unrelated people, Sir John Buckland, Sir Richard Rawlyns and Richard Gale. It seems likely that at least one of those would have been his godfather, given how seriously that relationship was taken at the time. Much of this kind of observance was swept away in the English Reformation about 30 years later, which would have also brought to an end the aspects designated as being forever.

He left to his unnamed godchildren, of which it sounds like there were quite a number, 6s 8d (a gold noble) each. He also left 40s a year to a Sir Richard Gonne as an exhibition of Oxford University, for as long as he was a student there.

His son, Thomas, features as a minor as he was also subjected to 'the rule guiding and governance of Alys my wife, his mother, of Peter Reynolds, and Thomas Busshe [his half-brother] until he comes to full age and discretion'. His son received £6, some silver items and a piece of furniture, although held by his mother until he came of age. His wife, Alys, was left all William's property and contents in Northleach for her life, after which they went to their above mentioned son, Thomas. Alys received the residue of the estate, and was appointed sole executor, with Peter Reynolds, and Thomas Busshe as overseers.

Given the explicit naming of Thomas and four dead siblings, it seems likely that Thomas was not just the eldest surviving son, but William's only surviving child.

William's house still stands in Northleach High Street, in a promonent position just off the market square, and a short walk from the church.

Timeline

• 1478 Nov 29 Cely Papers: 11) of Norlache; sold 40 sacks of wool to Rychard Cely

• 1478 Jan 29 Cely Papers: 11) received £20 in part payment from Rychard Cely

• 1479 Apr 02 Cely Papers: 11) received £20 in part payment from Rychard Cely

• 1479 Oct 31 Cely Letter: by Rychard Cely senior to George Cely; Wyll Eston, mercer, and Wyll Medewynter of Norlache ⸢dyned wt me [at London] at tyme⸣ and the comford of your letter cavsyd me for to bye the forsayd Wyll Medewynter lx sacke of Cottys woll, the weche ys in pyle at Norlache^[1]

• 1480 May 03 Cely Letter: by Richard Cely senior to George Cely; for Rychard Cely was at Norlayge at that tyme and hathe packyd my woll for wyt Wylliam Medewynter xxvj sarplerys and iij sarplerys at Westewell^[2]

• 1480 May 22 Cely Letter: by Richard Cely senior to George Cely; I am a aysyd for to schepe thys forsayd xxix sarplerys, the weche I bogwyt of Wylliam Medewynter of Norlayche xxvj sarplerys, the weche ys fayre woll, as the woll packar Wyll Breten saythe to me^[3]

• 1480 Jun 02 Cely Letter: by Richard Cely senior to George Cely; Rychard Cely hath be in Cottyswolde and hath bogwyt xv^c fellys for you and him seve and xv^c for me of Wylliam Medewynter the weche cam to London thys same day^[4]

• 1480 Jun 02 Cely Letter: by Richard Cely junior to George Cely; I haue bene in Cottyssowlde and bohut for hus xxv^c pellys, pryse le C of xv^c: iij Ii., and of a Ml: heuery C iij Ii. iij s. iiij d., and I haue payd and a mwste pay vythr˹in˺ thys v days in parte of p(a)yment of thes fellys and for caryayge, xl Ii. and aboue, and I mwste pay to Wylliam Mydwynter at Bartyllmewys tyd xx Ii., and at Hallontyd xx Ii. for the forsayd fellys.^[5]

• 1482 May 13 Cely Letter: by Rychard Cely junior to George Cely; I hawhe beyn in Cottysowllde thys iij whekys and packyd wt Wylliam Mydwyntter xxij sarplers and a poke where of be iiij mydyll Wylliam Bretten saye hyt ys the fareste woll that he saw thys zeyr and I packyd iiij sarplers at Camden of the same bargeyn wher ar ij good ij mydyll ... I cannot hawhe Wylliam Mydwynttyrs fellys undyr iijli xld the c. and I schaull [hawhe them I] go to that pryse; tale of William introducing Rychard to a young hentlewoman, the daughter of Lemarcke, 'the gretteste rewlar a(n)d rycheste mane in that conttre', and also a judge for the king (probably JP); the Sattyrday aftyr, Wylliam Mydwyntter whent to London, as aull wholl getherars wher sent for be wryt be the mene of Pettyt, for inwynde and grete markyng, and thay hawhe day to cwm agen at Myhellmas^[6]

• 1482 Sep 20 Cely Letter: Author; to Richard Cely junior; at Norchelacche; 'Y made a bargyn wytthe yow at that seysyn, the wycche I wolde Y hadde sleppyd the wylys; for theke costemerys that Y trosty(d) moste for to a sowyld theme, and Y trostyd that I solde nat a bowte ther wolle aboffe -- xiij s. viij d. a tod, and nowye Y connat bey ther woll hondor xiiij s. and xiiij s. and vj d a tod. The pryse is that Y bey at aboffe that I solde yow ryght mycche; and to recckyn the reffys, Y salle lesse, be my trothe, a noboll or x s. in effyry sack/sarpler; Needs the £200 that wasn't to have been paid until November to be paid within 14 days of Michaelmas (29 September) 'for I made myselfe neffyr so barr wytthehowte money'^[8]

• 1482 Oct 03 Cely Letter: letter to Richard Cely forwarded to George Cely^[12]

• 1482 Oct 17 Cely Letter: by Rychard Cely junior to George Cely; at London; now heyr ys cwm Wylliam Mydwyter, byt I spake not wyth hym ȝeyt; I may departte fayr frome the bargin wyth Wylliam Mydwytter that ȝe and I made, I wyll do my beste. Me thynke hytt wyll be whel done, for howr detturs ar sclow payars, etc.^[9]

• 1498 Jun 03 Letter Close: of Northlatche co. Gloucester; Bonds were previously made to William by Averey Rawson and others for debts by Richard Cely, now deceased.^[10]

• 1501 Mar 28 Will: of Northleiche in the diocise of Worcester ... beyng of hole mynde and good memory^[11]

• 1501 May 07 Will Proved:^[11]

• 1502 Mar 04 Wife's Will: Alice; deceased; an honest preest of good name and conversacion to sing for ... the soules of John Busshe and William Midwynter late my husbands; 1502/3^[13]

Glossary

• fells: The complete skin of a sheep with the wool still attched. The supply of these would increase, and the price decrease, in years when large numbers of sheep died from disease (medieval pandemics didn't just affect humans). Once in Flanders, the wool would be removed by allowing bacteria to start the process of decay, often with the help of urine. Once that was done the skins would be turned in to vellum. Sheep vellum was thinner than that from cattle, and as a result more in demand for legal documents as it was harder to make fraudulent alterations, as erasures (bt scraping away the previous writing) would be more obvious, and also more likely to result in an outright hole.

Research Notes

I have no idea what the birth date of this profile is, but obviously well before 1500. - Gill Whitehouse

Sources

1. ↑ ^{1.0 1.1} SC 1/53/29; The National Archives, Kew, London
2. ↑ ^{2.0 2.1} SC 1/53/40; The National Archives, Kew, London
3. ↑ ^{3.0 3.1} SC 1/53/42; The National Archives, Kew, London
4. ↑ ^{4.0 4.1} SC 1/53/45; The National Archives, Kew, London
5. ↑ ^{5.0 5.1} SC 1/53/46; The National Archives, Kew, London
6. ↑ ^{6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3} SC 1/53/119; The National Archives, Kew, London
7. ↑ ^{7.0 7.1} The Cely Letters 1472-1488 edited by Alison Hanham
8. ↑ ^{8.0 8.1} SC 1/53/145; The National Archives, Kew, London
9. ↑ ^{9.0 9.1} SC 1/53/153; The National Archives, Kew, London
10. ↑ ^{10.0 10.1} Calendar of the Close Rolls preserved in the Public Record Office; Henry VII. Vol. II. 1500-1509; 1963; 883
11. ↑ ^{11.0 11.1 11.2} PROB 11/12/314; The National Archives, Kew, London
12. ↑ SC 1/53/149; The National Archives, Kew, London
13. ↑ PROB 11/13/459; The National Archives, Kew, London