Location: Quidnessett, Kingstown, Kings, Rhode Island
The following essay explores the identities of the early settlers of Quidnessett, Rhode Island, the specific locations of their farms, and the early history of their community. The word neighbor held an entirely different meaning to the people in this community than it does to a modern day city dweller. This story begins in 1661 on what was then the frontier of European expansion into the wilderness of Rhode Island, and the neighboring families were highly dependent on each other to provide the labor, security, and companionship needed to survive and thrive in this harsh environment. Proximity and compatibility both played a key role in this interaction, with the closer the living quarters for a set of families, the more likely they were to engage in communal lifestyle and the more likely they or their children were to inter-marry. Hence establishing the physical location of the family farms, by owner, aids the genealogical purpose of understanding a framework of how the various neighbors became extended families through marriage .
The story of the Quidnessett settlers starts with what has come to be known as the Atherton Purchase; a real estate transaction which transferred the ownership of several thousand acres of Narragansett Indian land known as Quidenessett, on the west bank of the Narragansett Bay, from the Narragansett Indians to the colonists. The deed for this transaction was recorded by John Fones on 11 June 1659, and archived in the town records of Boston, Mass. In 1894, James Arnold, published the early Rhode Island land deeds recorded by Fones, [1] and this deed was the first of many. The text of this deed is published, in full on page 11 of Arnold's text and has been reproduced below:
Whereas, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of Conecticut maj'r Humpfrey Aderton of Dorchester, withe Several other there friends haveing obtainede a gifte or giftes from the cheefe Sachem or Sachems of the Naragansets the grande deede of giftes beinge hereafter Recorded, and for our more comfortable and orderly carrying an end of al things, and that things may be seteled we jointly here Agreed this Several ordere we sbal follow after the Records of these deeds th's 4 November 1659.
Know al men by these p'sents that I Cogineaquon Sagamore or Schem of Naraganset. In consideration of that greate love and affection, I doe have unto English men especially, mr. John Winthrop, Governor of Conecticut, Maj'r Humphrey Atherton of the Massachusets, Richard Smith, Senir, and Richard Smith, Junir, of Cocumcrosuck, Traders Leiftenent William Hndson of Boston, Amose Richenson of the same, Boston, and John Tinker of Nashuway, Trader, have Given and Granted and doe by these p'sents ffully; freely, voluntarily. Absolutely and Effectually Give, Grante, confirme and make over unto my said friends one Tract of Land in my country called by the names of Wyapumscut, Mascacowage, Cocumscosuck, and such like, be it containing more or less, bounded by the brooke or River called Mascaekowage on the North East bye a brooke or River called Cocumscosuck on ye South West bye Common path or way betweene these on the North west or North bounds. And by sea or waters on the south, to have & to holde the said Tracte'of Land, together with the privelidge of sumer feed for there cattel, making of hay in all meaddows Swamps and Lowe grounds, without the said bounds to the Northward to them, the said Governor Winthropp, Maj'r Atherton, Richard & Richard Smith, Leiftenent Hudson, Amose Richenson and John Tinker, theire and every of theire friends, their helres and Assignes, forever, onely excepted the Lands in possession of and belonging already to Richard Smith, Sen'r, w'ch was his proper Right and is expressed by deede , before this grante, to be to him, his heires and Assignes for ever, and a Neck of land called Potowomuck included in this said grant wch I doe Reserve for planteing ground for me and my friends until such time as we see cause to forsake it, or lay it down as alsoe the privilidge of fishing and gathering of clams and other shell fish, all other the p'mises from the said Rivers or Brooks, Mascuchowoge Cocumscusuck, Sea and Path, and other, the privilidges before mentioned, to be there owne proper use and uses, to injoy and improve as there owne proper Right and Interest from henseforth, for ever. And I, the said Cogineaquon by this my deede of gift caled and delivered, and possession of the said land given before the witnesses hereafter mentioned doe Ratifie and confirme the same, and doe premis the same to defend from all other persons laying claime to the same, dated this eleventh day of June, 1659. Seae'd and deld in the p'sense of Awasshouse, .
Reuben Willis, Interpreter
James Smith, Wester Smith
Note. — In the mar<4in this is culled "A coppie of the deed of gift for the north end tract of land." "Exam No. 1."
The phrase "In consideration of that greate love and affection, I doe have unto English men" seems suspiciously out of place in this deed, and begs the question, what really happened and why did Coginaquant Narragansett (abt.1625-bef.1675) gift tribal land to this company of English politicians, military men, and merchants? The answer to this question is a long and intriguing tale that is essential to understand what led up to this transaction.
Backdrop to the Quidnessett Sale
Howard M. Chapin provides the backdrop leading up to the Coginaquant deals in his book, Sachems of the Narragansett; [2] The context of this story begins with the arrival of the first colonists in New England in the early 1600s. The Narragansett Indian tribe was at the zenith of their power, and had established dominance over the neighboring tribes, such that the Niantics, Cowesets, and Nipmucs had all become vassal states of the Narragansetts. (page 7) The English arrived in 1620 and with the advantage of their superior weapons ushered in a period of rising power for the English along with a corresponding decline in the power and sovereignty of the Narragansetts. During the reign of Chief Sachem, Canonicus Narragansett (abt.1565-1647), and his nephew, Miantenomi Narragansett (abt.1600-1643), brother of Coginaquant, there were a series of events that punctuated this shift in power. The first of these was the 1636 murder of a trader by the name of John Oldham, which produced the net result that by 1638 the Massachusetts English had wrested control of Block Island from the Narragansetts. (page 19). This was followed shortly thereafter by another set of murders and political intrigue, that launched the Pequot War in 1637, in which the English and Narragansetts fought as allies against and defeated the Pequots. However, the war highlighted the receding power of the Narragansett Empire as the English played a dominant role in the fight, and claimed the lion's share of war booty. (page 27). On 21 September 1638 a tri-lateral peace conference was held in which the Massachusetts English represented by Edward Hopkins and others; Uncas Mohegan (1588-1683), Chief Sachem of the Mohegans, and Miantonomi, sachem of the Narragansetts met for a peace conference and agreed upon a peace treaty. A key provision of the peace agreement was that neither of the tribes was to begin a war without the consent of the Massachusetts English; and that the decision of the English was final and binding; so by definition, the Narragansett Empire had ceded their sovereignty to the English with this agreement. (page 46.) A short time of peace followed until 1643 when a series of provocations prompted Miantonomi to go to war with the Mohegans, he sought and was granted approval to do so by the English (IAW the 1638 peace accord). Miantonomi, then assembled an army of 1000 Narragansett warriors, and arrayed in medieval suit of armor, that had been gifted to him, set out against Uncas. In a bizarre turn of events, Uncas executes a brilliant battlefield ploy, and manages to take Miantonomi, encumbered in his armor, as a prisoner of war. Uncas, then delivers Miantonomi to Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut. (page 47) John Winthrop then convenes a board of elders from the United Colonies, and in an shocking betrayal of their professed puritan, Christian beliefs, they seize the opportunity to eliminate this competent leader and impediment to the expansion of their power in the region and decide that Miantonomi should die. However, to maintain a aura of plausible deniability, they complete the sale of their souls to the devil and authorize Uncas to execute Miantonomi, after he had been removed from their jurisdiction. From this point forward, the dealings of the United Colonial government with the Narragansetts was tainted with this dirty secret, the guilt of the innocent blood of Miantonomi on their hands, and a mortgage of their blasphemous souls to the treacherous Uncas (page 49;) note: Chapin provides detailed documentary evidence of this treachery. The Narragasett nation is left in disarray, with a leadership vacuum at a critical juncture of their empire; the aging Canonicus (now about 80) gathers a council of sachems to succeed Miantonomi, and Pessacus, (also called the younger brother of Miantonomi, but only about 20 years of age at the time, is appointed chief sachem, to take the place of his slain brother. (page 54). In October of 1643 {revisit and fix this} a set of land deals is imposed on the Narragansett nation which appears to be linked to a duplicitous reparations extortion imposed by the United Colonial Government.
Chapin paints Coginaquant as a alcohol-addicted, weak, self serving leader who arrives on the political scene at a juncture where the glory of the Narragansett empire was rapidly receding and in need of a strong leader, but Coginaquant did not rise to the need and under his leadership, the decline of the Narragansett empire accelerated.
It is worth noting that the recipients of the land were influential colonial politicians, military leaders, and businessmen (traders) of that time and place. There are at least three subsequent Narragansett to colonist land transfers to assorted groups of colonists recorded in the Fones record, though the subsequent deals were cash transactions where the property was sold by Coginaquant to the colonists for cash. It is interesting to contemplate what transpired in the mind of Coginaquant to motivate him to offer this gift of a very significant area of land. On the surface the deed itself states that it is "In consideration of that greate love and affection, I doe have unto English men," but it seems highly unlikely that was his true motivation. The Pequot War of 1636-1638 happened about twenty years earlier in Coginaquant's backyard. The root of that conflict was the murder of two Massachusetts traders by one or more individuals of the Western Niantic tribe (near what is now Westerly) and the war broke out on Block Island (Rhode Island) where the law enforcement agents of the Massachusetts colonists demanded the surrender of the murderers. The Niantics refused and the agent of the colonists set their village on fire. War ensued and the war did not go at all well for the Indians. It seems more probable that Coginaquant smelled trouble brewing and may have been looking to establish a friend and ally to help stand against future trouble with the Massachusetts group, and perhaps his gift of good will (or a bribe depending on how you choose to see it) was an attempt to grease the political skids to establish a military alliance with the Connecticut officials. This motivation is, in fact, revealed to be the underlying reason for the gift in a 5 Aug 1859 document in which Cogiquand and two other Narragansett sachems stipluate that "the said Major Humfrey Adderton p'mise that he will be a friende to the said Sachems hi any thing he can that is just and the said Sachems doe ingaige thein selves not to selle or Alienate, give or dispose of any lande in there Countrie to any p'sons what soe ever, whither English or Indians, with out the consent and Approbation of the said Majr Humpfrey Adderton." Unfortunately for Coginaquant, his political maneuvering was to no avail, for in the time of King Phillip's War a united colonial mililtia of men from both Connecticut and Massachusetts, converged on his fortification at West Kingstown, and his people were crushed in the Great Swamp Fight Fight of December 1675, just 16 years later, and there was no Humphrey Atherton to come to his aid.
Meanwhile, back at the Quidnessett land deal: with the ownership of the land in hand the company of recipients set out to capitalize on their windfall and the survey and partition the land for resale and redistribution. List of partners in the real estate CompanyL
mr. John Winthrop Govener of Conecticat. John Winthrop II (1606-1676) mr. Simon Brandstreet. Simon Bradstreet (1639-1684) Maj'r General Daniel Denison of Ipswich. Daniel Denison (1612-1682) Majr Josias Winslow of Marshfield. Josiah Winslow (bef.1606-1674) Capt Thomas Willit of Rehoboth. of Waiuiamoysett Capt Richard Lorde of Hartford in Conecticut. Richard Lord II (1636-1685) Capt George Denison of Southertowne. George Denison Sr. (bef.1620-1694) Capt Edward Hutchinson. Edward Hutchinson (1613-1675) GG10 KIA in King Phillip's War. Leift William Hudson, al of Boston. William Hudson Jnr. (1613-1680) mr. Amos Richison. Elisha Hutchinson. Elisha Hutchinson (1641-1717) mr. Richard Smith Sen'r. Richard Smith (abt.1610-abt.1666) mr. Richard Smith Jun'r. al of Naraganset. Richard Smith Jr (abt.1630-) Janas Smith. mr. Thomas Stanton Sen'r. Thomas Stanton (abt.1615-1677) mr. Thomas Stanton Jun'r. of Southertowne. Thomas Stanton (1638-1718) mr. Increase Atherton of Dorchester. Increase Atherton (abt.1641-abt.1671) mr. John Alcocke of Roxbury. John Alcock M.D. (abt.1627-1667) mr. John Browne Sen'r. of Secunke (Seekonk, MA). Humphrey Atherton also written Addinton Humphrey Atherton Esq. (1608-1661) John Sewett
Ruben Willis, English witness and interpreter Valentine Whitman Valentine (Wightman) Whitman Sr. (1627-1701) son of GG9 ---> The title deed documents the land transfer from the Narragansett Sachem Coginaquant Narragansett (abt.1620-bef.1675), (and thus the tribe) to a group of prominent colonial officials and businessmen, who were effectively acting as a real estate development company, and defines the boundaries of the transaction by extant landmarks. This deed was recorded in Boston, Mass by John Fones in the court records at Boston, Mass on dd yyyy . known by large block of and washile it is true that Maj. Gen xxx Atherton played an important role in this deal, it is a misnomer
1718 Plat of Quidnesett, Rhode Island |
Note that the plat map is dated 8 Feb 1718, five years after the 1713 death of Henry Tibbetts and yet the owner of lot #36 is still identified as Henry Tibbetts; a detailed examination of the owner's list in this plat map reveals a far greater correlation to the names of the original 1661 owners of the lots than it does to the owner's in 1718. For example, the Fone's Record [3] clearly documents that the lot in the far northeast corner of the map labelled Henry Fowler was sold by Fowler in 1666 to Thomas Clark; then in 1666 [3](Fones; page 90) Thomas Clark sold the farm back to the land agent Wm. Hudson. Wm Hudson, in turn sold the farm to Henry Tibbetts in 1667 [3](Fones; page 90) and finally it is probable that it is this farm that Henry Tibbetts bequeathed to his grandson William Tanner Jr. in 1713. Thus this Henry Fowler farm changed hands four times between the time it was assigned to the original owner, Henry Fowler in 1661, and in 1718 when the probable owner was William Tanner Jr. (Not Henry Fowler). A similar analysis on other lots yields the same conclusion, viz this map drawn in 1718 is the mapmaker's representation of the original 1661 ownership assignments of the properties (or of those shortly thereafter), and not the present ownership in 1718. The present day location of Henry Tibbetts homestead may be found on Google maps as the area bounded by Essex Road on the south; the bend in the Hunt River (and Potowomut Pond) to the north and highway 1 to the west. These present day roads are well correlated to the roads shown on the 1718 plat map.
Consequently, the early (circa 1661) Quidnessett neighbors of Henry Tibbetts may be known and identified. A transcription and identification these neighbors is then as follows: {Note an important delimiting search criteria for identification of the owners, demands the owners to have been 21 years of age at the 1661 sale date, or stated differently, born on or before 1640}:
Starting at the left-hand top owner thence (mostly clockwise:)
- Thos. Nichols (106); Fones Record; page 27; 1675-06-17
- William Charles (66); Fones Record; page 27; 1675-06-17
- Henry Tibbitts Sr. (abt.1636-bef.1713) page 25
- Walter Couningrave; Fones Record; page 18
- John Gould; possibly John Gould (1621-) of Newport, RI; Fones Record; page 18
- Francis Brinley. Not in Wikitree Jan 2024
- Thomas Hart
- John Salles, possibly John Saffin (1626-1710) of Boston; Fones Record; page 27; 1675-06-17
- Caleb Carr, probably Caleb Carr I (bef.1623-1695) of Newport, RI.; Fones Record; page 18
- Henry Fowler; probably Henry Fowler III (abt.1633-bef.1687) of Newport, RI, then Westchester, NY; Fones Record; page 18
- Thomas Gould; probably Thomas Gould (abt.1623-), brother of John Gould above; Fones Record; page 18
- John Greene (1606-abt.1695); father-in-law of Mary Tibbetts, daughter of Henry; and one of few owners with credentials to prove they actually lived on the Quidnessett farm they purchased. Fones Record; page 18
- Edw Thurston
- John Sanford, 312 ac. ,probably John Sanford (1633-1687)
- Robert Westcott,
- Capt. John Cranston, 300 Ac.; probably John Cranston (1625-1680) of Newport; Fones Record; page 18
- Lieut. John Hues (100) E 2 30' N; No viable profile in Wikitree, Jan 2024.
- Nicholas Spink (76); possible descendant of Robert Spink (1615-bef.1695)
- John Whipple (60) 60 ac.; probably John Whipple Sr. (1617-1685)
- Lieut. Harris, 59 Ac.
- Samuel Waite (abt.1640-abt.1676) --Indian interpreter Fones Record; page 25
- Ruben Willis - Indian interpreter; No viable profile in Wikitree, Jan 2024.
Clearer copy (from with the Arthur Aylesworth version was copied): Quidenessett map
Analysis with an
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