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The Family of Richard Barker of Andover, Massachusetts

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Date: 1692 [unknown]
Location: Andover, Massachusettsmap
Surname/tag: Barker
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The Family of Richard Barker of Andover, Massachusetts

Paradigm of Seventeenth Century Colonial Puritanism

by Elford H. Messer 1994

Witchraft brings to mind Salem, Massachusetts, 1692. Yet, more witches were arrested in Andover than in Salem, 14 miles away - as the witch flies.[1] This paper focuses on the family of Richard Barker of Andover, Massachusetts, and illustrates how the Barker family fit the contemporary model of seventeenth century colonial Puritanism. It begins with the frontier, examining Puritanism, land acquisition, Indian relations, and witchcraft, as related to the Barker family.

As the "Great Migration" (1630-1643) of English settlers progressed, the frontier moved away from the thriving villages of Boston, Hingham, Salem, Lynn, and Ipswich. A great forest wilderness lay not far beyond; only the Indians in crude agriculture tilled its fields, or fished along its streams. Eagerness in obtaining expansion settlement land had to be tempered by the dangers that often lurked beyond the white men's habitation. This was no deterent to the first white settlers of Andover; they had a plan for a godly life in family, church, and state and were willing to sacrifice and take risks to achieve that end.[2] They had left England to establish a "visible" kingdom of God in a promised land.[3] In Cochichawicke (later Andover), the forest remained uncleared and the land ungranted until May 10, 1643, when the General Court ordered the whole plantation within its jurisdiction to be divided into four shires; Essex County became eight towns including Andover.[4] A law required the settlers to build their houses within a half-mile of the meeting house; the meeting house to be central to the dwellings."[5] This practical law served two purposes: it kept the dwellings closer together for protection and it was conducive to the support of the parish. Seventeenth-century meeting houses tended to be compact, squarish buildings, with a steep four-sided roof rising to support a central turret. They were constructed on the model of secular buildings in East Anglia such as court houses and markets. Another law, in 1640, required men to carry arms to meeting, and sentries were posted at the doors.[6]

The earliest resident recorded in Andover was Richard Barker, August 13, 1643.[4] The town was incorporated May 6, 1646 and named Andover for its namesake in Hants County, England from whence came its important Puritan settlers. Early records list 23 original proprietors in the order of their importance; the first four freeholders named are Simon Bradstreet, John Osgood, Joseph Parker, and Richard Barker.[7] Simon and Ann Bradstreet came to Massachusetts with Governor John Winthrop on the Arbella in 1630; they moved to Andover in 1644. "The worshipful Mr. Bradstreet," as he was often called, was a most influential person and governor for many years. Mr. Osgood, the town's first representative to the General Court in 1651, voted in reference to demands reminding the Crown that the colony's charter entitled them to elect their own chief executive in the colony.[8] The listing of proprietors according to importance signifies social structure: From the very beginning, social lifë in Andover was stratified. John Winthrop explained it for all of New England: "in all times some must be rich some poore, some highe and eminent in power and dignite; others meane and in subjection," (sic).[9] Puritans believed that Almighty God formed His earthly kingdom in a pattern of subordination.[10] This social stratification would manifest itself in apportionment of land.

The settlers depended upon land; it took countless hours of hard work to clear their acreage of trees, rocks, and stumps. Only men of stamina, like the Barkers, who firmly believed in the work ethic succeeded. Their religious zeal kept them steadfast and determined. Even after the crops were planted, grown, and harvested, they were often inconvenienced by the remoteness of markets for corn and other agricultural yields. By 1653, the Barkers could exchange livestock and grain for Salem Town hard goods; their farm hands accepted produce in lieu of cash[8], but, if a Christian community was to prosper, they first needed spiritual leadership. It was to their advantage that the first pioneer was a minister.

Mr. John Woodbridge of Newton was a prime mover in the establishment of a plantation at Cochichawicke. On March 22, 1640, he wrote to John Winthrop in Boston pleading for the establishment of a plantation. Messrs. Woodbridge and Edmond Faulkner are said to have purchased the land from Cutshamache, the Indian sachem for six pounds and a coat. Mr. Woodbridge and the first ten proprietors, including Richard Barker and Edmond Faulker, organized the Andover church October 24, 1645. Mr. Woodbridge, the first graduate of Harvard College, was called by Cotton Mather the "Leader of the whole company, a star of the first magnitude." Mr. Woodbridge, the first minister of Andover, returned to England in 1647 where he resumed his studies at Oxford in preparation for his second degree. He was silenced for a time for his nonconformity in Newton, England but never returned to America.[10] Following Mr. Woodbridge's ministry, Rev. Francis Dane was installed in the North Parish Church in 1648 and served until 1697; he may be considered the first permanent minister in Massachusetts Bay Colony.[11] He was a close friend and associate of the Barker family, tending to the spiritual needs of the North Parish for nearly half a century. Messrs. Dane and Woodbury also kept private schools. Dane played a moderating role in the Andover Witchcraft episode of 1692, but, before discussing witchcraft, a brief introduction to the Barker family is due.

Richard and Joanna, following the Puritan tradition of their time, became active in church affairs and village government. Among the visible elect, and founders of the church in 1645, they shared respectability with other proprietor families.[12] Both Richard Barker Sr. and his sons served as Deacons of the church.[13] Richard became surveyor and road commissioner in 1653.[14] These two vocations required considerable education and skill, perhaps qualifying him as one of the "better sort." He signed petitions and wills and was a town selectman until his death in 1693, but more about selectmen later.[15] He and other first-settlers dominated the political and economic scene. Such dominance by an elite group has often been said to have caused factions, giving rise to the witchcraft dilemma, but, first it is appropriate to discuss God as perceived by the Puritans.

Edmund S. Morgan's books help us understand the Puritan theology that gripped Richard Barker and other pioneers of seventeen century New England, whose greatest urge was to establish a pure religion for their children.[16] The godly could run their own government; it would not be like back home in England.[17] They were to obey God's commandments as revealed in the Bible, but, with an awareness of Adam's fall, they knew that perfection could not be attained. The Puritan was in partnership with God, bound by several covenants; abiding by their covenants with God would strengthen the likelihood that they and their community would prosper.[18] From his reading of the Holy Bible, (Genesis 1:26-27) the Puritan knew that "God created man in His own image, but he had to be very careful not to be guilty of himself creating God: he smashed idols and vain religious trappings wherever he recognized them. Yet, he was unable to entirely escape from thinking of God in human terms.[19] It was difficult with ministers using metaphors to describe the relations of God and man: king and subject, master and servant, body and soul, Father and Son.[20] The Puritans were possessive of God, almost making Him a tribal deity." They were religious people; the largest part of their time was devoted to the worship of God.

Richard Barker and his family were always going to 'meetings' and 'preachings' on Sunday; never going to church.[21] They often heard two sermons every Sunday, sometimes listening to five or six hours of preaching. David Hackett Fischer, in Albion's Seed, says that the listening Puritans, filled with enthusiasm, sat on the edge of their seats.[22] Barker sat in a choice seat to signify his station in the parish. As if any seat could be choice on a cold winter day in an unheated meeting house. Parson Dane stood in the raised pulpit, preaching sermons very similar to those of past Sabbaths, yet for which God's elect were still thirsting. Puritan theology declared that religion was not morality, that salvation was the chief goal, yet unattainable by good behavior; redemption from Adam's sin comes only through the blood of Christ. Faith is the free gift of God, not to be won by human efforts.[23] A Christian grieves of sin because it is sinful, not because of its consequence.[24] Barker and his neighbors were not smiling; they were dead serious. Sometimes, during a prayer meeting, Barker and others of the visible elect, listened to confessions of faith by prospective members who recounted the work of God's grace during their conversion experience. To become one of the visible elect, the candidate had to pass the scrutiny of neighbors.[25] There was a connection between salvation and society; the true believer tried to obey God's will, and, being under several covenants, was obliged to try to force everyone else to do likewise.[26] For Richard and Joannah Barker and other parents, this implied an extraordinary responsibility toward family. Their eyes were on a heavenly goal and, through the grace of Jesus Christ, they were being guided and led in their daily lives by the Reverend Dane. Over and over, he preached the doctrines of election, vocation, justification, sanctification, and glorification.[27] Man's purpose is not to enjoy earthly pleasures, but to glorify God.[28] Good social conduct is the result of salvation, not the cause of it. When Rev. Dane spoke of love, he wasn't referring to romance; he was speaking of divine love, God's infinite love and mercy.[29] He so often spoke of God's second covenant with Abraham, the covenant of grace, that it became etched in their hearts.[30] But, as well, these sermons warned of God's wrath against his children's disobedience. There was a type of man whom the Puritans denounced; he was the civil man who did the right deeds for the wrong reasons; he obeyed God's commands because it was the acceptable social conduct, not because of the Holy Spirit.[31] He was a good citizen and paid every man his owne; (sic) it seems significant that William Barker Sr used these very words in his witchcraft confession of 1692.

We should not forget that, though the Puritan believed these serious matters with heart and soul, he also believed in God's gifts of good living: good food and drink, recreation, and the pleasures of married life. It was when the Puritan lost sight of his quest for God, or when pleasure became immoderate, that sin crept in.[32] But, he was in disobedience to God's will (and Massachusetts Law) if he became a gambler or an idler.[33] Puritan meals were simple: beans, brown bread, vegetables, boiled dinners, and pies frequently provided their healthful meals.[34] Clothing was simple and drab in color; women wore no make-up or jewelery, but, it is said that personal bathing was very infrequent and that spices and perfumes were used to mask body odor.[35]

Mosaic Law ruled the lives of Puritans, the Fifth Commandment receiving much attention: "Honor your father and your mother, that your days may be long in the land of the Lord your God." (Exodus 20:12) The terms, "father" and "mother" take on broad meaning; they include anyone in authority or above an individual's station in life. The Massachusetts General Court in 1675 noted "a woeful breach of the fifth commandment to be found amongst us, in contempt of authority, civil, ecclesiastical, and domestical: and ordered the tightest enforcement of "the laws already made ..."[36] And, when the governors of Massachusetts wished to convict Mrs. Hutchinson of sedition, they charged her with breaking the Fifth Commandment.[37] The Fifth Commandment was one that the Barker children would hear over and over again, from their preacher, Mr. Dane, and from their parents at home. There was respect for age in seventeenth-century New England; people were ranked proportionately to their age; this contrasts sharply with present day attitudes.[38]

The Puritans were revulsed by anything perceived to be pagan or irreverent to God. Like the Puritans of England, those of Massachusetts did not observe Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday, saints' days and holy days.[39] Samuel Sewall, in his diary, took self-righteous pride, by making an entry on December 25th, declaring that he had not observed the pagan holiday as did sinners of Boston at the risk of a five-shilling fine.

The fellowship of believers is exclusive: "For the gate is narrow and the way is hard, that leads to life, and those who find it are few." (Matthew 7:14) The Puritans subscribed to this Bible passage; not everyone could join the church. The church was an association of saints, of men and women whose belief in Christ was produced not by their own feeble efforts of will but by the operation of the Holy Spirit on their souls.[40] John Cotton explained that in the church congregation, "you shall find some wheat, some chaff, some good corn, some tares; so in the best families; you shall finde (sic) a mixture of good and bad together.[41] Few people are saved; and, those usually belong to the same family. The people who are saved in the second generation will usually be the children of the saints of the first generation.[42] This postulation might make one wonder about the Puritan parent/child relationship.

When Richard Barker took his vows for church membership, declaring that he had been converted, he promised not only for himself but for his whole family, and he was obliged to do all he could to make them fulfill the promise.[43] A family covenent with God bound them together.[44] All members of his family were expected to exhibit sanctified or at least civil behavior, and he must see to it that they did so.[45] Each family member must be obedient to God; the whole family would suffer for the sins of a deliquent member, unless that member were punished.[46] Richard and Joanna had a responsibility toward each other, but their child rearing responsibility began with John, their first born. Their guide was not Dr. Spock. Puritan child training was deeply rooted in Calvinist theology, about the natural depravity of the newborn child. The newborn child was also thought to have a 'natural will' or 'spirit of autonomy' which needed to be broken.[47]

David Hackett Fischer, in Albion's Seed, delineates common seventeenth-century Puritan methods of 'will breaking' of children; one example should suffice: Restless children were rolled into small squirming human balls with their knees tied firmly beneath their chins, and booted back and forth across the floor by their elders. It is dreadful to imagine Richard and Joanna spending a Saturday evening booting little John across the floor, but perhaps this helped him to later become a famous Indian fighter, which is one of the promised topics. But, first, seventeenth-century colonial american education:

The whole Puritan system rested upon the belief that "Every Grace enters into the Soul through Understanding; salvation is impossible without knowledge.[48] Therefore, it is easy to understand why education played such an important role. Every child must learn a catechism and the capital laws; these were essential to the welfare of the smallest child.[49] The Barker children learned the famous cathechism prepared by John Cotton and learned to answer the question "Who are here [in the fifth commandment] meant by Father and Mother?" with the words, "All our Superiours, whether in Family, School, Church, and Common-wealth."[50] The Barker children would have used the famous New England Primer which taught the alphabet with such verses as "In Adam's fall, we sinned all."[51] Children were constantly reminded of the ever presence of Satan, "that old deluder" whose intent it was to keep men from the knowledge of the Scriptures. The children were taught reading in order to facilitate their knowledge of the Bible and, in 1647, the General Court of Massachusetts provided for the establishement of reading schools; this was the famous "ye olde deluder Satan" Act.[52] It required every town of fifty or more families to set up a grammar school. In early Andover, both ministers, Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Dane, kept a private school, but it was not until 1700 that Andover set up a Grammar School.[53] Also, concerning education, some Puritan parents were concerned about childhood idleness, and trained their children useful occupations at an early age. Daughters could learn domestic talents because there was little likelihood of their ever following any career but that of a housewife, whether as daughter, wife, or mother.[54] Earlier in this paper, the Barker parents were introduced; now for a word about child naming practice.

Onomastic customs of the seventeenth-century English Colonies are discussed by David Hackett Fischer in Albion's Seed. Onamastic refers to the giving of names; Albion was the first name given to the British islands. Fisher has found that the Puritans of Massachusetts gave high priority to the descent of names from parents to children within the nuclear family. This naming strategy was unique to the Puritans; they had a strong taste for biblical names, he says.[55] This proves true for the Barker children who had biblical names, except for William, the (witch) confessor. About giving the father's name to the first son, this did not apply to the Barkers; Richard, Jr. was the fourth son. However, a custom not mentioned by Fisher: Benjamin was the youngest son, which has a bible connection with Joseph and his brothers. Fisher also points out that children in Calvinist families were not named after godparents, since this was a "Popish" practice which Puritans detested.[56]

An appropriate place to briefly mention each Barker family member has been reached. We shall see how their characters fit the pattern of a Puritan family of the seventeenth-century. No record shows the origin of this Barker family, but we know that John, their first child, existed at the time of settlement, or shortly thereafter. The family size continued to grow over the next twenty years with six sons and three daughters. The sons were essential for farm work and managing the estate. The Barker girls learned distaff duties: sewing, spinning, weaving, which would prepare them for womanhood and marriage into other proprietor families. All nine of the Barker children lived to maturity; only one son moved away.[57]

Since Richard Barker is mentioned throughout this paper, we begin with Joanna, his wife. Social order of the day and locale was based upon the superiority of husband over wife.[37] This becomes evident when one attempts historical research of the Barker family; nothing whatsoever is mentioned about Joanna, except that she was the wife of Richard, mother of the children, and a member of the church. It is as if those were her sole functions in Puritan life. It is true, wives were instructed that woman was made ultimately for God but immediately for man.[58] The wife was commanded to accept her husband as he "on whom God hath bestowed her, to whom he hath assigned her."[59] It was Richard's duty to reform Joanna, yet Puritans deeply believed that women and men were equally capable of joining the church, receiving grace and entering the kingdom of heaven.[60] Darrett Rutman, author of American Puritanism adds: "A Puritan writer also argued that "tho the Husband be the head of the wife, yet she is the head of the family."[61] This meant the responsibility for maintaining the household and disciplining the children. The next most important member of the Barker family is number one son, John.

John, who, by being the eldest, appears to have been favored. John was born in 1643, the year that Richard and Joanna moved to Andover.[62] It was the custom that young Puritan men learned to value work, and that they work for their parents well into manhood. So, John worked on his parent's estate until age 27 when it became time that he should be thinking about taking a wife and establishing his own family and estate. The proper marriage, resulted not from falling in love, but from a decision to enter a married state, followed by the choice of a suitable person.[63] Mary Stevens, age 21, and a near neighbor was the choice of John Barker and his family. Mary's father, one of the original Andover proprietors had been dead for eight years, but Mary's mother was among the visible elect of the parish church family. It was a suitable choice.[64] Pastor Dane published the banns which was an announcement, eight days in advance, of the intention to enter into a contract of espousals; marriage could not take place until at least another eight days.[65] They were married in 1670, only a few years before King Philip's War. John Barker was a hard worker, a staunch Puritan, and community activist. During his lifetime he was a carpenter, farmer, husbandman, commissioner, overseer, selectman, Essex County militiaman, Indian fighter, and Deacon of the North Andover Church.[66] If we could look into just one aspect of John's career, Indian fighter would be tempting, but his duty as selectman might be more interesting. A New England Puritan tradition, and a matter of law, was for the selectmen and constables of each town to inspect families on a regular basis. Where "good order" broke down within a household, their task was to restore it.[67] Given a good musket and plenty of dry powder, the choice of Indian fighter would definitely have been easier. Somehow, John survived both; he and his wife Mary had a large family; their third child, Mary, was born in 1679;[67] The reader will meet her in 1692, when she is 13 years old, and just learning to ride her broom. John's brother will now be introduced.

William, the second son of Richard and Joanna, was born in Andover in 1645,[68] and married Mary Dix of Reading when he was 31.[69] They had thirteen children, but William either was not superstitious, or else that was all they could have. Later, William and his eldest son, William Jr., will appear as black silhouettes against a full-moon -- commuting, somewhere between Andover and Salem. But, it should be said that William benefited by the "ye olde Satan deluder" Act of 1647, wherein he learned to write. His witchcraft confession is testimony to that.

Sarah, the eldest Barker daughter, has an interesting side. Known as Richard Barker's beautiful daughter, she was born in 1647 and lived to age of 82. In 1672, when Sarah was 25, she and Samuel Wardwell fell in love. But, Samuel really should have known that in his Puritan time, that was not the way it worked. Love had little to do with the matter. The affections should not be allowed to attach themselves to a different social status. Marriage was a family affair, an affair between two families, and inclusive of gifts, or dowrys. If Samuel Wardwell was not a member of the church, Sarah should have known better than to let her eyes roam outside the church.[70] Richard Barker said, "No." The reason was clear; Samuel Wardwell was not one of the established elite. Poor Sam! It was impossible for him to improve his situation under the rigid Puritan rules. Instead, Sarah married John Abbot, son of George Abbot, one of the first settler elite. Poor Sam! Twenty years later he was executed for witchcraft! It was, he said, because of his disappointment with love for Sarah Barker.[71] But, on with the family:

Esther, the second Barker daughter, was born in 1649. She was wiser; learning from John and Sarah's experiences at getting parental approval. One may recall that John married Mary Stevens, daughter of the elite widow, Mrs John Stevens, and that John Stevens Sr. had been one of the original Andover proprietors. So, Esther married John Stevens, Jr., August 10, 1676. Esther and John Jr.. had five children. They make a very interesting couple, statistically that is. John Jr. was 17; Esther was 27. That explains why Esther had only five children: she had her first child at 29, her last at 37, a good age to stop having chidren. John Jr. was the only child of his mother living at home. This marriage would eliminate the chance of Esther becoming a spinster and would allow her to move into the Stevens estate with John Jr. and his mother. It would help consolidate the Barker-Stevens family (and estates). It is the kind of marriage that a shrewd man like Richard Barker would approve. Esther lived until age 81.[72] It will be noted that this family enjoyed long life spans. Ages at marriage and death provide interesting statistics, which are always of interest to historians.

Ebenezer, the third Barker son, was born in 1651 and lived ninety-five eventful years. He waited until he was thirty-five to marry. His family was involved in the 1692 witchcraft hysteria, as we shall later see. Like all Barker sons, he was foremost a farmer. Also, he was a carpenter, selectman, and owned corn mills on the Shawshin River.[73] At age 24, he was wounded in King Philip's War in 1675, but more about Indians later.

The Barker's fourth son, Richard Jr., born in 1654, was a weaver and a militia Lieutenant. There is nothing unusual about a militia connection, since every able-bodied and "not timorous" male over sixteen years of age was enrolled.[74] His Lieutenant's rank shows his standing in society, since officers were usually selected from the elite families. The unusual thing is that Richard Jr. was the only one of six sons to select a trade, the trade of weaver In Puritan society, selecting a vocation was a serious matter; every man's work in the world was sacred; he searched constantly for clues to God's purpose for him in the world.[75] No occupation served God that did not serve society. A boy usually chose his calling between ten and fourteen and would then serve with a master for seven years. The trade must be carefully selected, since, after seven years of apprenticeship, it would be too late to change. This would be too consequential a decision for an adolescent; more likely it was decided by his father.[76] Also, an influencing factor was that some Puritan parents sent their children away as a disciplinary measure, the fear being that a child might receive too much fond attention at home. The head of a Puritan family had a serious obligation with proper discipline for his family. At age 28, Richard Jr. married Hannah Kimball; they had nine children. He lived to age 75.[77]

Hannah, born in 1656, married Christopher Osgood, a near neighbor from one of the elite ruling families of Andover; they had at least 3 children.[78]

Stephen, born in 1659, was the only child of Richard and Joanna to move away in manhood. He was a Lieutenant in the militia and married Mary Abbott in Andover 13 May, 1687. There were few, if any eligible brides, in Andover that were any more elite than Mary Abbott and it would appear that her father gave her away in high style. Civil magistrates performed all marriages in New England until 1686.[79] Their wedding was the first in the Colony to be solemnized by a minister (Rev. Thomas Barnard) rather than by a magistrate.[80] After the wedding was supper, tea, or cake and wine, and other drink; and in the evening, dancing and other amusement. Who said that the Puritan life was always dour? Stephen and Mary moved to Methuen where he petitioned the General Court for incorporation of Methuen in 1724. Stephen was among the first covenanters of the First Parish Church of Methuen in 1729. They had 10 children. He lived to age 81.[81] Stephen's move from Andover must have been one of the first signs of the fragmentation of land ownership in Andover.

Goody Barker (Joanna) gave birth to her youngest child, Benjamin, in 1663. Benjamin became a Lieutenant in the colonial militia in 1690. He married Hannah Marston and they had 10 children. He became a tything man in 1696 and a Representative to the General Court in 1725. In the second generation, responsibility for inspecting families passed from selectmen to special town officers called tithingmen.[82] Among the Puritans there was an extraordinary zeal for enforcement of the laws of God.[83] In May 1677 the tithingmen received power to apprehend and arrest "all Sabbath-breakers and disorderly Tiplers, or such as keep Licensed Houses, or others that shall suffer any disorder in the Houses on the Sabbath-day or evening after, or at any other time."[84] If Benjamin performed his duty well, he would be a very busy man and perhaps not too popular; the duty would require a resolute and firm spirit. Following their marriage, Benjamin and Hannah continued to live on the old homestead, taking care of his parents in their old age. Reverence for old age as well as the implications of the Fifth Commandment have been discussed previously, but, even the fulfilling of this obligation would not guarantee Benjamin and Hannah's salvation In 1693, Benjamin was the executor of his father's will, and the heir to the old homestead.[85] Inasmuch as all family members have been introduced, it would be interesting to see their land and how it became populated.

Puritan Richard Barker saw nothing wrong with getting ahead, accumulating land and stock; he was well known for that. Bailey's History of Andover credits him with the first recorded deed among the town fathers in 1643 when he bought a house, land, stock, corn and hay from William Hewes of Topsfield. A Calvinist, Richard practiced the "work ethic." Over the years, his land holdings multiplied, spreading from Five Mile Pond to the Merrimack River, some say as far as Duck bridge.[86]

Philip Greven, author of Four Generations studied land acquisition in Andover and its effect upon the people of four generations. Land ownership was very important for early settlers; it was a way to accumulate wealth and support large families. The first generation settlers received land from the town; it was apportioned to the 23 original proprietors according to their need and social standing.[87] But, before long, a population increase would have a devastating effect; the great migration provided the breeding stock and the population doubled every generation for two centuries.[88] Richard and Joanna had 9 children, 70 grandchildren, and 199 great grandchildren; this is far more than a doubling each generation as suggested by Fischer. This kind of increase would effect land distribution and frontier expansion. By 1662 new arrivals would realize the disadvantage of being late-comers. Original proprietors, like the Barkers, were secure; they controlled most of the land in Andover. Great Pond on the north side of Cochicawicke was nearly circled by Barker families; they occupied the north, east, and south sides.[89]

Philip Grevan's study of land acquisition and division has stimulated historical interest within Andover. The Andover Historical Society is now carrying on a chronological study of the land ownership in Andover since the original proprietors. They are creating large maps showing Andover property boundaries for each decade since the days of the original proprietors and incorporation in 1646.

In the original division of land, Richard Barker obtained a seven-acre house lot. Later the town made additional grants; he bought additional land as well. By the time of his death, his land holdings in Andover had grown to 310 acres. He was in ill health during the witch craze and died January 14, 1693. Richard Jr., Stephen, Benjamin, and the heirs of Hannah were named in Richard Sr.'s will. All of this land eventually was settled upon by his sons, except for Stephen who settled in Methuen.[90] Richard prolonged the control of his land as long as he could. John, the eldest son, was the only one to get a deed to land given by his father before his death. When John married in 1670, he built a house upon part of his father's third division land: three parcels of meadow land and 40 acres of upland, which had not yet been cleared, much of it unusable. John had waited thirteen years to become a fully independent proprietor of his own land, but his younger brothers had to wait for their father's death before achieving the same degree of independence.[91]

The Town of Andover sold and granted William Barker, the second son, 20 acres of land by Rowley bounds, March 22, 1670. But, he was unable to settle upon this lot; perhaps it was inaccessible. Records have it that by 1674 he was living on a piece of swampland given to him by his father, and he received no additional land until he received 40 acres of the division land granted to his father. His full inheritance only included three additional pieces of his father's meadow land.[92]

Richard's will, written in 1688, granted 60 acres of his great division upland to Ebenezer and his wife, Abigail. But, like William Barker, Ebenezer had to wait for his father's death in 1693 to become legal owner.[93] Now, some attention will be given to the fragmentation in land ownership: The Puritan Barker family were hard working people, of the elite class, influential in church and civic affairs, and had control of a fair share of Andover land. But, the accumulation of first generation land became fragmented into second generation ownership. This influenced Stephen to move, becoming a pioneer of a new frontier: a new town called Methuen where, for he and others, land apportionment could begin again.[94] The depletion of new frontiers would not only affect white settlers, like the Barker family, but it would put pressure on the natives, the so called Indians.

Concerning Indians, the Pequot War of 1637 was little more than a bloody massacre by Enlish settlers.[95] It pacified the natives for almost forty years, but relations between the races would eventually reach the breaking point. With increasingly larger colonial families, push would come to shove. Englishmen felt contempt for people they considered culturally inferior and religiously damned.

The Barker family lived in the midst of that tragic cultural encounter. Lieutenant (Deacon) John Barker became known as a great Indian fighter.[96] His brother-in-law, Lieutenant John Stevens, Jr. was killed when a militia group fought Indians at Casco Bay.[97] Ebenezer Barker was impressed into the militia for an Indian expedition in November, 1675. He was wounded in King Philip's War in the famous Great Swamp Fight of December 19, 1675.[98] The colonists had won their first victory when combined forces of all the colonies, under the command of Governor Winslow, fell on the Narragansetts in their winter fort near West Kingston. Ebenezer recovered from his wounds, married eleven years later and was father of four children; he lived to the age of 95.[99]

During their first decade in New England, the Puritans were certain that the Lord had protected His people in the wilderness, especially following the Pequot War. The subsequent destruction of the Pequots convinced the Puritans that it was God's will. They believed that the Indians, like all unregenerate men, were in the clutches of Satan; they were his instruments. The clergy encouraged the colonists to defend the glorious gospel of Jesus Christ and to maintain their right that God had given them by conquest.[100] Massachusetts and Connecticut gained vast tracts of land following the defeat of the Pequots in 1637.[101]

Samuel Sewall reported in his diary, September 11, 1688, that 32 men were sent eastward from Boston, probably to Casco Bay; ten or so English persons had been taken hostage by the Indians.[102] And, on February 8, 1690, Sewall recorded that 60 men, women, and children had their brains dashed out by French and Indians in Schenectady. In 1690 he again reports Indian troubles at Casco Bay.[103] There were other Indian dangers, even closer to Andover Puritans. Savages were a real concern of the white settlers, hence the colonial militia to which the Barker males belonged.

The Puritans punished several kinds of delinquency. To avenge those who made war was perfectly legitimate for the victors. Prisoners taken in a just war, it was held, had forfeited their own lives by their attempt to take the lives of others; their punishment must be either death or slavery. On this ground the Puritans enslaved the Indians whom they captured in the Pequot War and in King Philip's War.[104] The Indian war was not the only force from within and without that was putting pressure on the colony, eroding the concept of a "city on a hill."

When Charles I dismissed Parliament in March 1629 the Puritans felt that the forces of reformation had been crushed. Their fears and concerns didn't subside when they settled in New England. Prior to Salem witchcraft, the colony went through political change and unrest: Simon Bradstreet had been governor from 1679 until 1686 when the King appointed a royal governor and annulled the charter. But, when Massachusetts overthrew the royal governor, Sir Edmond Andros, in 1689, Bradstreet again became governor, that is, until a new royal governor, Sir William Phipps, took office May 14, 1692.[105] Puritan society was going through painful changes in the 1690s: measured against their original goal of being an example to the world, commercial individualism was fast overtaking them, giving them a feeling of lost power. Some historians believe this was one more cause of the chaos of 1692. These events effected the Barkers and others, especially witchcraft which will now be reviewed.

When witchcraft began in New England around 1645, there had been less than two-score witches condemned to death - until the outbreak of the witch trials in Salem in 1692.[106] Three-hundred years later, it is impossible to comprehend the mind set of our colonial forefathers. But, some Puritans were so conscious of Heaven and Hell that witchraft was a reality. The Puritan perceived his world filled with sin, a war between God and Satan, issues were black or white, good or evil. There were no random events in Puritan thinking. Everything was thought to happen for a purpose, and that purpose directed by God at man.[107] To the believer, witchcraft was real: if a neighbor threatened him, cast a spell on him, and stuck pins in a doll likeness of him, that person would certainly suffer mental anguish. The theological dogma of the time espoused the belief that Satan often worked through humans to perform diabolical wonders, often referred to as "God's remarkable Providences in the world." Great scholars of New England gave close attention to these wonders in treatises where history, religion, science, and magic all became one.[108] Good religious individuals were part of an institutional savagery that manifested itself in the burning of sinners, the maiming of political dissenters, the hanging of Quakers, the execution of witches and the crushing to death with heavy stones of an old man who refused to plead before the court.[109] But, Darret Rudman, in Puritanism, correctly warns us that not all that occurred in New England is explainable by Puritanism. It just happened that this particular witchcraft conflagration began in Salem Town, and that many of the people there were Puritans.

The 1692 hysteria began in Salem with two girls who may have been just playing around with the spiritual world. Their convulsive fits, contortions, and barking may have been play acting. Leading them on was Tituba, a slave girl from Barbados who lived in the Salem home of the Reverend Samuel Parris;[110] she had had experience with preternatural arts. Parris, the father of one of the girls and uncle of the other, took an interest. He called in a local physician who was at a loss to diagnose the manifestations, but suspected the "Evil Hand... malefic witchcraft![111] The girls may have been encouraged by the inordinate attention they received from adults. By February 1692, the number of afflicted girls was growing. At the end of the month, accusations were made and three women were arrested, publicly examined by two members of the provincial legislature and committed to Boston jail.[112] Witchcraft was a crime, punishible by death! Before the year end, more than one hundred seventy arrests were made. A terrible contagion of distrust spread; neighbor was set against neighbor, husband against wife; no one knew where it might strike next. What was the underlying motivation of this diabolic malady? Researchers continue to find new reasons. The witchcraft mania became so formidable and public infatuation so intense that, on April 11, 1692 the Massachusetts government took formal charge. Governor Phips, a close friend of the Mathers, took six members of his advisory council as a special Court of Oyer and Terminer, naming as chief justice, Lieutenant Governor William Stoughton.[113] The court met in Salem Town. It was really illegal; it lacked approval of the lower legislative body, the House of Representatives. The members of the court had no legal training. Phips did pretty much as the Mathers wanted. Increase Mather did not favor it, but Cotton Mather, his son condoned "spectral evidence."

By the end of May there were seventy-five innocent souls awaiting trial. Phips had ordered them put in irons.[114] The first Court opened June 2, 1692 with seven justices.[115] Justice Nathaniel Saltonstall of Haverhill couldn't stomach the proceedings nor buck the tide; he resigned from the insane Court following its first meeting. Samuel Sewall continued to serve with Deputy Governor Stoughton and four other magistrates to examine the accused.[116] In his diary, Samuel Sewall expressed guilt feelings. He said, "T'was awfull to see how the afflicted persons were agitated." He mentioned little else about the trials.[117]

During the first week of June, 1692, nineteen suspected witches were executed, all asserting their innocence. The court rules were often improvised.[118] One dimension of the madness stands out: confessions were what the court and clergy were after; this would confirm that Satan was indeed among them, trying to destroy Christ's church. A good confession included details such as broomsticks, blasphemous rituals, and bloody signatures in the black man's book. Words were put in the mouths of the accused. The most respectable magistrates and the most esteemed ministers in the colony, the Puritan old guard, sanctioned this witchcraft affair.[119] The court was influenced by the hysteria and fear of Salem's losing the war between Heaven and Hell as cried out by Mathers and others. In their heart of hearts, they felt they were doing God's will.

There was no due process of law; confessions were needed! On April 18, 1692 Giles Cory, age 80, was pressed to death when he refused to confess guilt. As he lay dying, Sheriff Corwin used his cane to shove his tongue back into his mouth.[120] On July 21 Richard, 18, and Andrew Carrier, 15, would not confess until they were tied neck and heels - until the blood was ready to come out of their noses; then they confessed.[121] On August 19 four imprisoned Carrier children, ages 7 to 18, were forced to watch the execution of their mother, Martha.[122] Mather considered her as having promise for being Queen of Hell.[123]

Paul Boyer & Stephen Nissenbaum in Salem Possessed. have painstakingly plumbed the depths of a conflict between Salem Village and Salem Town: a long festering feud between two families, the town, the village and the clergy. Three of the Putnam men supported Rev. Parris who pushed the trials forward. The Porter family was richer than the Putnams and the six Porter men opposed Rev. Parris. Parris's 12 year old daughter was one of the first afflicted girls of Salem. The family connections were complicated by Israel Porter being the father-in-law of Joseph Putnam who won a place in town politics. The Porters acted behind the scene.

Salem Possessed gives a good account of the factions that arose among the Salem settlers. As the population increased, a shortage of land developed. The Town didn't want to relinquish control, especially Church control. The Porters were town oriented, full members of the town church and favored by the merchants; they were against promotion of the trials. The authors show how an unplanned social catastrophe became a devilishly well planned conspiracy.[124] Calef, the author of More Wonders of the Invisible World, accused Parris of beating Tituba to extract her confession.[125] The Rev. Parris gained a very poor reputation.

Soon the witchcraft madness spread to Andover and other towns adjoining Salem. In commemoration of the 300th anniversary of the Witchcraft affair, Enders A. Robinson, a descendent of the Barker family, has written a book: Andover Witchcraft. Like many other authors since the seventeenth century, he attempts to reveal the causes of the aberration from a fresh prospective. Although he stesses Andover witchcraft, he does not attempt to sever it from Salem or the rest of Essex County. What makes his treatment of Andover unique is: 1. The disparity in frequency of confessions between Andover and Salem; this is a contrast. 2. A fued between a young minister and an elderly encumbent minister at Andover; this has a near parallel in Salem. 3. The Andover "touch test" was unlike anything in Salem. 4. The exploitation of legal (more likely illegal) taking of property of the accused; little mentioned in Salem Possessed. Robinson emphasizes a conspiracy which was a power struggle between the Putitan clergy and a society of changing times. Also, certain officials were taking advantage of the madness in order to confiscate land from the leading families. Robinson calls the actions of the afflicted persons a cruel hoax; the girls were manipulated by greedy persons. Of the conspiracy, he says that the original six afflicted girls made up the inner circle; the conspiracy consisted of the girl's fathers and guardians, the Rev. Samuel Parris, Sergeant Thomas Putnam, Captain Jonathan Walcott, and Dr. Griggs. Four young women made up the outer circle. The afflicted girls in both the inner and outer circles received deferential treatment from the magistrates.[126]

Sheriff George Corwin was in charge of confiscating the property of the convicted witches. If an accused person fled to protect his freedom, or was condemned, Sheriff Corwin would confiscate his property. A last minute repreive saved Sarah Wardwell from execution, but her land still fell into the hands of the assignees of Bartholomew Gedney, John Hathorne, John Corwin, and the others who divided plunder of the witch hunt.[127] Sheriff Corwin also carried out the executions, which drew great crowds of people. It was not only the sheriffs that looked bad, but the clergy lost credibility. How much of a moderating influence they had is a matter of score keeping, whether one is thinking of George Burroughs and Cotton Mather, or Abigail Barker and Francis Dane.

The Rev. Thomas Barnard, friend of Cotton Mather, played an unsavory role in Andover as did Samuel Parris in Salem. The Rev. Francis Dane preached 49 years in Andover, from 1648 until his death in 1697. Some membeis of his church, unhappy with his preaching in 1682, invited Thomas Barnard to give a sermon. They decided to hire Barnard, make Dane his assistant - without pay, and give his pay to Barnard. A legal battle ensued; Dane was awarded 30 pounds a year, Barnard 50 pounds. Resentment resulted. Thomas Barnard would direct the witch hunt along the lines dictated by Cotton Mather who would support him in his differences with Dane. Thomas Barnard played a key role in the Andover conspiracy, the first objective of which was to break the established power structure of the town; the second was to discredit the Rev. Francis Dane and his family; The third objective was to use the witchcraft accusations wherever possible as a means of gaining revenge and settling old grudges.[128]

Once accused of witchcraft, the victims faced exasperating examinations. They were urged to confess, standing throughout the ordeal while they were asked leading questions: When did you sign the Devil's book? Did you travel on a stick? Refusal to confess was tantamount to execution. There were two favored positions for those who were swept into the witch hysteria: that of afflicted and that of confessor. Nearly every one of the seventy-odd people arrested in the Salem witch hunt refused to confess; they preferred irons or death, while nearly every accused in the Andover witch hunt confessed at once.[129]

Calef, in More Wonders, p. 272-273, explains the Andover "touch test" which is herewith paraphrased: On Wednesday morning, September 7, 1692, the Rev. Thomas Barnard invited a select group to the meeting house: fifteen women and three men, all carefully selected from the Andover elite families. After offering a prayer and a soul seering lecture, one that would cause the most steadfast to quake, he blindfolded his guests while several afflicted girls were ushered in. As the afflicted were going through their girations and fits, the hands of the innocent blindfolded victims were brought to touch the afflicted, who instantly became cured of their afflictions. This was the spectral evidence required to prove Abigail Barker and others guilty of witchcraft An atmosphere of Pandemonium set in; the accused were terrified! They hadn't known until that moment that they were witches. Their loved ones encouraged them to confess, there being no other way to save their lives; they could be forgiven, if they would confess and repent. Barnard inferred that claiming innocence was a quick route to eternal damnation! Abigail's blood pressure probably doubled! But, through the kindness of the conspirators, they were told how to confess. Later on, once they had come to their senses, they recanted - too late. Perhaps Ebeneze, that tough old Indian fighter, encouraged Abigail to confess. How would he manage for 18 weeks while she was in the Salem jail? His farm in Andover needed tending and he had two boys at home, ages 5 1/2 and 4.

Although the Puritan clergy had no authority in government, they played a very influential and leading role in the witchcraft dilemma of 1692. Cotton Mather was very influential, belonging to the Cotton and Mather families who were most eminent in the Puritan clergy. He was intrigued by the invisible world. He Published several sermons and books on the subject, including Memorable Providences Relating to Witchcraft and Possessions in 1689, not long before the Salem witch hysteria. Some precipitant must have sparked the infectuous madness. Enders A. Robinson, author of Salem Witchcraft says that history has laid the blame to Rev. Cotton Mather. But, Kenneth Silverman, author of The Life and Times of Cotton Mather, says, "The enormous likelihood is that the girls at Salem would have become possessed, and their alleged tormentors would have been tried and hanged, had Cotton Mather never existed." p. 87-91

The Reverend George Burroughs was executed at Salem Aug. 19, 1692. Samuel Sewall's Diary notes: "Dolefull Witchcraft! ...a very large number of spectators, including Cotton Mather, and Noyes. Mr. Mather says they all died a righteous sentence. Mr. Burroughs, by his prayer and claim of innocence did much to move unthinking persons." (Harvey Wish p.72.) Boyer and Nissenbaum point out that Burroughs was about to be reprieved when Cotton Mather gave a forceful counter-speech that convinced the authorities to hang him. (p. 13)

On November, 19, 1689 Samuel Parris was ordained to the Christian ministry by the Rev. Nicholas Noyes, associate pastor of the church in Salem Town; Noyes was minister there until 1696. Samuel Parris and Nicholas Noyes were very controversial clergymen during the hysteria. Parris had dilliculty persuading his congregation to pay his salary; it was very similar to the problem Rev. Dane was having at the Andover church where the Barker family had been members of the visible elect for a half century. The Salem Villagers turned to Parris for understanding, but he encouraged and exploited the behavior of the afflicted youths to his own benefit. The Reverend Parris, of Salem Village, impressed with his own knowledge of witchcraft, called other ministers and elders to days of prayer and fasting. This helped focus attention on the influential stature of the clergy and to arouse curiosity and fear of demons. It was later said by the family of Rebbecca Nurse, that Mr. Parris, more than any other person, was responsible for her execution. Enders Robinson names him as being the clerical member of the Salem Village conspiracy. Parris, as did the other ministers, pervailed upon the imprisoned to confess, but when some refused even under pressure, it weakened his credibility.

The Reverend Nicholas Noyes stood on the executioner's ladder in Salem Town while Sarah Good was hung by the neck; he told her that she was a witch and knew it. Calef relates that she called him a liar and said that God would give him blood to drink.

The Reverend Thomas Barnard who plotted the Andover "touch test" pressed hard for the prosecution of witches. His real goal was to obtain confessions. He conveniently changed sides and joined the Andover resistance movement as it grew in popularity. He apparently overcame his errors and held his pastorate until 1718 when he retired. The clergy may not have been the cause of the unnecessary horror and suffëring, but, from a modern perspective they appeared to be on Satan's side of the battle.

The Barkers of Andover knew how to survive; they confessed! Enders A. Robinson, a descendent of the Barker family, has taken the entire confession of William Barker from the Massachusetts Archives records for use in his book, Salem Witchcraft. It is included in its entirety with this paper as "Exhibit A." Robinson calls it a minor masterpiece and believes that the same concepts (italicized) appear 84 years later in the Declaration of Independence. This is the confession that is so casually mentioned in Salem Possessed by Boyer and Nissenbaum, p. 189. A close reading of Barker's confession shows that Barker knew how to write and just what to say. Robinson says that William Barker was a thinking man.

The conspirators were hitting close to the elite. Following the Andover "touch test," Dudley Bradstreet came to his senses. He was a son of Simon Bradstreet, from the most elite family in town. He had signed warrants putting nearly fifty Andover residents in jail. Now he refused to sign any more; he was cried out upon and soon had to flee Massachusetts with his family.[130]

Justice Nathaniel Saltonstall, who had refused to sit on the Court of Oyer and Terminer, continued to speak out against the trials, even though the afflicted girls cried out against him. His arguments began to convince others. By the end of the year, the hysteria began to subside, and, there being no more arrests, Dudley Bradstreet came out of hiding. Thirty-eight people, including Saltonstall, Bradstreet, Thomas Brattle, the husbands of the jailed wives, and the Andover clergy, presented a petition to the Superior Court at Salem. This marked the beginning of the end of the conspiracy.[131]

Not long after signing his confëssion, William Barker, escaped from prison. When the deputy sheriff arived at his farm in Andover to seize his cattle, he found William Barker's brother, Lieutenant John, already there. John Barker paid off the deputy and saved the cattle and William's other goods.[132]

Ebenezer's wife, Abigail, spent 18 weeks in prison, after which time she was released on bond.[133] Poor Abigail was probably never the same again. However, she managed to have two more children and lived until age 87.

The two teenagers, Mary and her first cousin William Jr. spent six weeks in prison before being released on bond. It was Lieutenant John Barker who raised the bond money.[134] On January 13, 1693, the Superior Court found Abigail, Mary, and William, Jr. "not guilty.[135]

This paper would not be complete without a final tribute to to our protagonist. Richard Barker did not leave a diary, book of sermons, or volume of writings as did other New England Puritans of his day, Samuel Sewall, John Winthrop, or the Mathers. We lack this kind of witness to his beliefs. But Barker's name appears countless times in Andover records, both church and civic. He must have shared the philosophy of his contemporaries. It seems fitting to pay our final respects by an imaginary visit to his death bed. Good Puritan that he was, he had spent most of his life preparing for this day, January 14, 1693. There had been instilled in Richard's very bones that he should always doubt whether he had been elected to grace, that he was never to feel entirely confident of salvation.[136] What would the morrow bring? Would he be in Paradise or in the burning embers of Hell - for all eternity? His strength had never been in confidence but in lack of it: the very necessity of proving his faith to himself was behind his assurances in the presence of peril or profanity.[137] Barker would seriously ponder whether he was really one of the invisible elect or whether he had been just another hypocritical civil man.[138] Was he one of God's elect? The whole family must have gathered around; at least one of the spiritual shepards was there. If it was the young Rev. Barnard, there may have been no word spoken to allay his fears; he had only known Barnard for a short while. But, had it been the older, more kindly minister, Francis Dane, who he had known for fifty years, he may have radiated the "Peace that passes understanding." (Philippians 4:7) Psalm singing had always been part of the church meetings; perhaps the Twenty-third Psalm was recited. "...yea though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I shall fear no evil, for thou art with me..." Ministers, like other humans are willful beings, they exercise flexibility in their view of God and mortality. After Richard breathed his last breath, his earthly remains were hurried into the ground with little ceremony, to their resting place behind the old meeting house where they yet remain.[139] If his spirit ascended, it was probably not given a choice seat; God is a great leveler. Had Richard Barker been able to witness town and family events beyond his lifespan, he would have had mixed emotions.

Mary Barker, age 13, and William Barker, Jr., age 14, who were accused of witchcraft and imprisoned for six weeks in 1692, were married in 1704 and raised 8 children. Their grandparents would have been distraught had they known this. Puritans had strict rules against marriage between relations; this was another example of declension, a falling away from the strict rules that would have made Andover another "city on a hill."

The family of Richard Barker certainly is a paridigm of Puritanism in seventeenth-century New England. Their lives touched nearly every facet of that religious and civic tradition.

Sources

  1. Enders A. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft and Hawthorne's House of the Seven Gables. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, Inc., 1992. p. xii.
  2. Edmund S. Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1966), p. 2.
  3. Morgan, The Puritan Familv, p. 3.
  4. 4.0 4.1 Sarah Loring Bailey, Historical Sketches of Andover. Boston: Houghton, 1880. p. 11,
  5. Darrett B. Rutman, American Puritanism (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1970), p. 72.
  6. David Hackett Fischer, Albion's Seed (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 119-120.
  7. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft. p. 26.
  8. 8.0 8.1 Bailey, Historical Sketches, p. 11-16.
  9. Edmund S. Morgan, Puritan Political ldens (New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1965), p. xvii.
  10. 10.0 10.1 Bailey, Historiçal Sketches, p. 89.
  11. Ibid., p. 501.
  12. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 265.
  13. Bailey, Historical Sketches, p. 90.
  14. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 29.
  15. Ibid.
  16. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 168.
  17. Ibid., p. 171.
  18. Morgan, Puritan Politiçal ldeas, p. xxi.
  19. Ibid., p. 161.
  20. Ibid., p. 162
  21. Rutman, American Puritanism, p. 45.
  22. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 121.
  23. . Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 2.
  24. Rutman, American Puritanism. p. 45.
  25. Ibid., p. 121.
  26. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 2.
  27. Rutman, American Puritanism, p. 15.elphia: J.B.
  28. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 99.
  29. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 24.
  30. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 6.
  31. Ibid., p. 4.
  32. Ibid., p. 16.
  33. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 6.
  34. Ibid.
  35. Ibid.
  36. Rutman, American Puritanism. p. 72.
  37. 37.0 37.1 Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 19.
  38. Fischer, Albion's Seed (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 103.
  39. David Hackett Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 163.
  40. Morgan,The Puritan Family, p. 134.
  41. Ibid., p. 9.
  42. Ibid., p. 182.
  43. Ibid., p. 7.
  44. Ibid., p. 9
  45. Ibid., p. 7.
  46. Ibid., p. 10.
  47. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 98.
  48. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 89 and 92.
  49. Ibid., p. 88.
  50. Ibid., p. 101
  51. Ibid., p. 88 and 92.
  52. Ibid., p. 88.
  53. Bailey, Historical Sketches, p. 517.
  54. Morgan, The Puritan Familv, p. 67.
  55. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 94.
  56. Ibid., p. 96.
  57. Elizabeth Frye Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 265.
  58. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 20.
  59. Rutman, American Puritanism, p. 66.
  60. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 83.
  61. Ibid., p. 85.
  62. Paul Boyer, and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed. Cambridge, Mass : Harvard University Press, 1974. p. 189.
  63. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 59.
  64. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 35.
  65. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 33.
  66. Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 265-6.
  67. 67.0 67.1 Ibid.
  68. Ibid.
  69. Ibid.
  70. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 55.
  71. Abbott, C. H. "Historical Andover Townsman," #9 & #11, in Andover Townsman, Andover, Massachusetts, 1896. p. 9.
  72. Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 265.
  73. Abbott, Abiel. History of Andover. Andover: Flagg & Gould, 1829. p.51.
  74. Bailey, Historical Sketches of Andover, p. 166.
  75. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 125.
  76. Not listed in paper
  77. Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 267.
  78. Ibid., p. 267.
  79. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 32.
  80. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, n. 255.
  81. Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 267.
  82. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 55.
  83. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 11.
  84. Ibid, p. 149.
  85. Bailey, Historical Sketches, p. 137.
  86. Abbott, C. H. "Historical Andover Townsman," p. 9.
  87. Greven, Philip J., Jr. Four Generations: land, and family in colonial Andover, Massachusetts. Ithica, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, c1970. p. 20.
  88. Fischer, Albion's Sted, p. 17.
  89. Greven, Four Generations. p. 21
  90. Bailey, Historical Sketches, p. 137.
  91. Greven, Four Generations, p. 86-7.
  92. Ibid.
  93. Ibid.
  94. Ibid.
  95. Tindall, George Brown. Ameriça. A Narrative History. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1992, Vol. 1, Third Edition. Vol. 1, p. 64.
  96. Barker. Barker Genealogy, p. 266.
  97. Thompson, Kenneth E. Major General Joseph Frye of Maine. Portland, Maine: Privately published, 1981. p. 50.
  98. Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 266-7.
  99. Barker, Barker Genealogy, p. 267.
  100. Peter N. Carroll, Puritanism and the Wilderness. New York: Columbia University Press, 1969, p. 91.
  101. Ibid.
  102. Harvey Wish, The Diary of Samuel Sewall. New York:Capricorn Books, 1967. p. 58.
  103. Ibid., p. 71
  104. 104. Morgan, The Puritan Familv, p. 101.
  105. Boyer and Nissenbaum. Salem Possessed, p. 7.
  106. Ibid., p. 31.
  107. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 127.
  108. Ibid., p. 126.
  109. Ibid., p. 189.
  110. Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, p. 2.
  111. Ibid.
  112. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 346.
  113. Harvey Wish, The Diary of Samuel Sewall, p. 71.
  114. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 96.
  115. Ibid., p. 346.
  116. Ibid., p. 109.
  117. Wish, Diary of Samuel Sewall, p. 71.
  118. Ibid.
  119. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 73.
  120. Ibid., p. 166.
  121. Ibid., p. 138.
  122. Ibid., p. 140.
  123. Ibid., p. 116.
  124. Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed. p. 78.
  125. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft, p. 89.
  126. Ibid., p. 88.
  127. Ibid., p. 70.
  128. Ibid., p. 132.
  129. Calef, Robert. More Wonders of the Invisible World. Bambridge, New York: York Maile - Print, Inc., 1972. (Facsimile)
  130. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft p. 160.
  131. Ibid., p. 197.
  132. Ibid., p. 189.
  133. Ibid., p. 265.
  134. Bailey, Historical Sketches, p. 218.
  135. Robinson, Salem Witchcraft
  136. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 113.
  137. Morgan, The Puritan Family, p. 5.
  138. Ibid., p. 7.
  139. Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 114.

Bibliography

Abbott, C. H. "Historical Andover Townsman," #9 & #11, Andover Townsman, Andover, Massachusetts, 1896.

Abbott, Abiel. Historv of Andover. Andover: Flagg & Gould, 1829.

Bailey, Sarah Loring. Historical Sketches of Andover. Boston: Houghton, 1880.

Barker, Elizabeth Frye. Barker Genealogy. New York: Frye Publishing Co., 1927.

Boyer, Paul and Nissenbaum Stephen. Salem Possessed. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974.

Calef; Robert. More Wonders of the Invisible World. Bambridge, New York: York Maile - Print, Inc., 1972. (Facsimile)

Carroll, Peter N. Puritanism and the Wilderness. New York: Columbia University Press, 1969.

Fischer, David Hackett. Albion's Seed. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1989.

Greven, Philip J., Jr. Four Generations: Land and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts. Ithica, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, c1970.

Morgan, Edmund S. Puritan Political Ideas. Indianapolis: The Bobbs - Merrill Company, Inc., 1965.

Morgan, Edmund S. The Puritan Family. New York: Harper & Row Press, 1966.

Robinson, Enders Salem Witchcraft and Hawthorne's House of the Seven Gables. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, Inc., 1992.

Rutman, Darrett B. American Puritanism. New York, J.B. Lippincott Co., 1970.

Silverman, Kenneth. The Life and Times of Cotton Mather. New York: Harper and Rowe, 1984.

Thompson, Kenneth E. Major General Joseph Frye of Maine. Portland, Maine: Privately published, 1981.

Tindall, George Brown. America A Narrative History. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1992, Vol. I, Third Edition.

Wish, Harvey. The Diary of Samuel Sewall. New York: Capricorn Books, 1967.





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