John Kilborn (1794 - 1888)

Born 27 Jun 1794 in Elizabeth, Leeds, Upper Canada (Ontario)

Ancestors

Husband of Elizabeth (Baldwin) Kilborn — married 16 Jun 1816 in Brockville, Ontario

Descendants

Died 25 Mar 1888 at age 93 in Newboro, North Crosby, Leeds, Ontario, Canada

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John Kilborn served in the 2nd Regiment of Leeds Militia, Canada in the War of 1812
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John Kilborn served in the Battalion of Incorporated Militia of Niagara, Canada in the War of 1812
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Biography

Parents said to have been Loyalists.

John and Elizabeth had 8 children

• Roderick
• Horace
• Collins
• Henry
• Mary
• George
• Edward Burritt
• William Price

John was a 17 -year-old clerk in Brockville dry goods store when the War of 1812 broke out. John Kilborn joined the First Leeds Militia under the command of Captain John Stuart and fought in raids on Ogdenburg in October of 1812 by British and Canadian forces under the direction of Colonel Lethbridge. The forces were responding to raids on Gananocque and Elizabethtown by the Americans under the command of Major Benjamin Forsyth. He was then made a sergeant, and was stationed at Fort Wellington in Prescott.

In early 1814 he joined the Incorporated Militia of Upper Canada. The I.M. moved to York in March of 1814, before sailing to the Niagara Frontier in July. They fought at Lundy's Lane (25 July 1814), one of the key battles of the war. Off on the left of the line part of the Incorporated Militia was cut off with many taken prisoner, including John. He spent the rest of the war as a prisoner of the Americans in Pittsfield, Massachusetts. With Peace declared in 1815 he was released and returned to Brockville.[For further details on his War of 1812 experience, see below.]

He continued to serve with the 1st Leeds Militia, appearing as an ensign in 1818. He rose to Captain with the 4th Leeds in 1830, Major with the 2nd Leeds in 1841, and Lieutenant-Colonel, 8th Leeds Militia in 1846.^[1]

He retained his commission in the army and was made Captain in 1820, and Lieutenant Colonel in 1845. This was the highest rank in the militia at that time. He remained in active service during the Patriot War of 1837 and 1838, commanding troops against the uprising in Upper Canada.

In 1828, he was elected to represent his native county (Perth) in Parliament. He served in that body until the House was dissolved on the death of King George IV. In 1831 he was appointed Justice of the Peace.John won a seat in the provincial parliament of Upper Canada in 1845. He was appointed Judge (Queen's Bench) in 1848.

A businessman, John Kilborn established a store at Unionville, now known as Forthton, Ontario. He was also given a government post assisting the settlement of immigrants. “I forwarded all the families to the Bay (Portland) and had to cut a road the last three miles to reach the (Rideau) lake.”

Many of the early residents of the Perth area were aided by John. In 1830, John moved to Kilmarnock on the river and opened a lumber business supplying the government workers building the Rideau canal. John then returned to Newboro, Ontario until 1852, when he moved to Brockville and became the postmaster and Justice of the Peace. In 1854, he was appointed Associate Judge of Assize. John died March 25, 1888 at the age of 94.

War of 1812

Some secondary sources claim he fought with the Glengarry Light Fencibles, nor can I find him, or any similar name, listed in listed with that unit.^[2] Nor does his, Stuart's or Morris' name appear with the Glengarry Militia.^[3]

To add to the confusion, while his background as a sergeant with the I Leeds is consistent with his recollection and other records, there is a James Kilborn. This one had a commission in the II Leeds, 15 June 1810.^[4]

Born 1794, Kilborn worked the family farm and schooled until age 17, when he was placed in the store of Roderick, Easton, Esq., Elizabethtown [now Brockville]. He is recorded as a private, doing the duty of a sergeant with the First Flank Company of the I Leeds Regiment of Militia [Brockville it would appear]. ^[5] He continued to do duty as a sergeant until sent to Johnstown in the fall where he lodged in the old Courthouse until the attack on Ogdensburg (12 Oct 1812)

Some 65 years later Kilborn left his recollection of those days,

I, with other men volunteered to serve in the First Flank Company of the County of Leeds, under Captain John Stuart, late Sheriff of Johnstown District, for six month’s service, and I happened to be the first man placed on duty by Lieutenant William Morris (late the Hon. William Morris) to guard the Kingston road, near the bridge at the West end of Brockville. I continued on duty with the company, being drilled daily by Lieutenant Morris.^[6]

Ogdensburg, N.Y., across the river from Elizabethtown had often fired cannon on brigades of boats moving men and supplies up the St. Lawrence River. It was also the base for Major Fosyth, First U.S. Rifles, to make raids and incursions on settlements along the Canadian shore. Colonel Lethbridge, commanding at Prescott made a plan to attack Ogdensburg on Sunday, 4 October 1812. He took about 150 from the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles, and about 600 militia drawn from the Leeds, Stormont, and Dundas Embodied Militia, plus two gunboats. Kilborn, along with about forty others, volunteered, and marched to Prescott. The attack did not go as planned as Kilborn relates,

’Assistance from the Brockville men was asked for, and with about forty others, I volunteered and marched to Prescott during the night, under the command of Reuben Sherwood and Lieutenant William Morris. Boats were made ready, and, early in the morning, led by Colonel Lethbridge, with part of a company of regulars, the attack was made. The boat I was in was commanded by William Morris. After getting near the batteries (which they plied constantly), and in front of the town, we failed to effect a landing and returned to Prescott. The loss in our boat was one killed. (Mott, cousin of Henry Mott, De--), and eight wounded.^[7]

[He has also been credited with having been at the Battle of Ogdensburg, 22 February 1813, which was successful, and led to that town having only a limited military presence until the end of the war (much approved by many of that community). However, John himself does not make mention of it. Nor does participation appear in the notes for Captain Stuart, or Lieutenant Morris.]

Incorporated Militia

In March of 1813 the Upper Canada Legislature created the Incorporated Militia. It was to be composed of militia men enlisting to serve for the duration of the war, trained and equipped and otherwise like regular soldiers, but serving under Militia rather than Military Law. Commissions were based upon a candidates ability to recruit volunteers, with five required for a Ensign. The units raised along the St. Lawrence were referred to as the ‘’Incorporated Militia of Eastern and Johnstown District.’’ John Kilborn was commissioned 17 April 1813.

That winter, the Parliament of Upper Canada passed a law to raise a Provincial Regiment, to serve during the war. Unsolicited and unexpected, I received recruiting orders from the commanding officer at Prescott, to enlist a certain number of men, and get a commission in the new Battalion. In this I succeeded, and received an ensign’s commission in Captain Thomas Fraser’s company, the first one organized of the regiment. I was soon appointed to act as quartermaster, with pay and allowances increased to that grade. In this capacity I served until the month of March following, when the regiment was ordered to York, to be more perfectly drilled and disciplined...

On May 12, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Pearson took command of that post. An experienced British officer and strict disciplinarian, he was also a stickler for regulations. The Incorporated Militia was to prove quite vexing to him for their unwillingness to conform to what they likely saw as trifling inconveniences; particulars of uniform messing organization, and so on. Improper or incomplete paperwork would also prove a common source of complaint. Other censures included the failure to do their rounds whist on guard duty. This continued to July 5th, when eight officers (almost half) were publicly rebuked for their failure to attend to their respective stations. John Kilborn was not amongst them.^[8][Perhaps his duties as QM meant he was not dealing with his company in those ways.]

On May 16 the corps at Prescott was ordered to march the following day to Johnstown and take up station there, Captain Walker to be in command. The men were to be organized into temporary “Divisions” to better supply their needs and “regulate” them. They returned to Prescott in June.

On May 25 the successful officers of seven companies of the I.M. were confirmed in their ranks. (The unsuccessful were dropped from the rolls.) Among the six companies was that of Captain Thomas Fraser, Lieutenant Duncan Clark, Ensign John Kilborn; 2 Sergeants, 2 Drummeers, 31 privates present, plus 5 present, sick, and 5 absent sick.

As noted, Kilborn was appointed to act as Quarter Master for the "Eastern and District" contingents of the Incorporated Militia. He acted so except for a brief interval until the unit transferred to York in March.^[9]

The summer and early fall passed with relative quiet at Prescott, save some occasional activity amongst the boats. Time was taken up with regular garrison duty, training, and work on the ever growing defensive works. Tensions were heightened in the fall with the build up of the enemy at Sackets Harbor, leading to the campaign against Montreal. After the American armada passed Prescott on the night of November 6, and most of the regulars there joined the pursing force, the I.M. constituted a major part of the garrison. After the enemy's defeat at Chrysler's Farm (11 Nov 1813), and their going into winter quarters, the regulars returned to Prescott.

1814

In early 1814 it was realized the dreams of up to six battalions of Incorporated Militia would never be met. The alternative was to gather all the dispersed units together at York and create a single unit. In preparation of this it was decided to re-organize the various small detachments into a number of proper sized companies. At the same time a number of officer candidates withdrew from the Incorporated Militia. Captains Thomas Fraser, John McDonnell and Edward Walker were selected to receive the now unattached men. At some point it appears he was detached from Fraser's company.^[10]

The units at Prescott moved in two groups, one under Washburn reached York (after a brief stopover at Kingston) on March 7, Kilburn travelled with this contingent.^[11](The second, under Fraser arrived on the 16th.) Command of the Battalion was given to Captain William Robinson of the 8th (King’s), who was to spend the ensuing months drilling the Battalion up to a standard where they could fight alongside the regular troops. Officers and men were shifted about when the 12 existing companies were reorganized into ten at the end of April.

John Kilborn was replaced by George Thrower, a sergeant of the 41st Regiment, who seems to have had some previous experience in that role. He was also transferred to Edward Walker's company, Number 10. When the Battalion deployed into a single line, this put John (and a "covering sergeant") next to the last man at the end. (He was joined by Lieutenant Duncan McDonell, who had switched from John McLean's company back in early February.)

The Monthly Rolls of 25 March to 24 April1814, lists Kilborn doing duty at Prescott. He is not amongst those absent from York, 6 May 1814; he is amongst those proposed to be detached to Prescott later that month. On 25 May and 1 June, he is listed as being at Fort George. He returned as is in charge of the Guard for 4 June [this, and other duties were done in rotation amongst the officers; he appears on other occasions later].^[12]

Niagara, 1814

When news reached York of the defeat at the Battle of Chippawa (July 6) orders were issued for the Incorporated Militia to leave that same day. They crossed quickly to Fort George in brig and four schooners., and began an immediate night march to Queenston, arriving around 10 P.M. Here they rested, and saw wounded men being moved down to Fort George.

The next day we marched for Chippewa. The day being hot, on reaching the Falls, we stacked arms, and rested for half-an-hour, when, again starting for our destination, we were soon et by our troops from Chippewa, they having destroyed and abandoned our works there bringing all the guns and stores that teams could be got to draw, accompanied by hundreds of women and children, besides men on foot and vehicles, making their way to Fort George, as a place of safety, the enemy being in pursuit, and not far behind. Our regiment, having had a slow and fatiguing march already, wheeled about, and was given a special privilege and benefit of marching in front. Retracing our steps as fast as possible, we reached the foot of the mountain, at Queenston, a little after dark, where a short halt was made, and where we got a drink of muddy sulphur water that crossed the road, and had served to each man and officer about half-a-pound of bread that had been brought in an open wagon, and was pretty well filled with dust and gravel, gladly eating and drinking such as could be got. Having rested awhile, the march was continued for Fort George, seven miles distance.

After starting for Fort George, we were halted at McFarland’s, a large deserted brick house, about a mile outside the fort, as a piquet guard, until morning, the remainder of our force passing on to the fort. After placing sentries, all found a resting place on the floor of the house and ground of the orchard near by, until daylight, from whence we could see the tents of the enemy, established on the mountain, six miles from us....^[13]

After daylight we were marched to Niagara, and encamped within range of the fort, remaining there several days. During that time, the Americans had advanced to McFarland’s, and placed guards and piquets, nearly surrounding us with sentries. We, of course did the same, which brought them and our sentries within speaking distance of each other. On several occasions, attempts were made, particularly at night, to capture our sentries and guards....

On the 13th when they moved to 12 Mile Creek (St. Catharines) and were formed into the 2nd or “Light” Brigade with the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles, a detachment of the 19th Light Dragoons, and two 6-pounder guns. They were commanded by the same Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Pearson who had commanded the I.M. detachments at Prescott in 1813. (Recorded as "Pierson" in Kilborn's memoir; this could be faulty memory, or someone else writing down what John said.)

Battle of Lundy's Lane, 25 July 1814

On the 24th the light brigade made a night march down the Portage Road, halting at 7 in the morning at the junction with Lundy’s Lane. They were joined by the 1st Militia Brigade. General Riall, hearing a large American force was approaching, turned back up the river road. He met General Drummond with the main body of the British army, who ordered an immediate return to their previous ground. Running back the Light Brigade fanned out to cover the hill top, the Battalion went to the left and took up position on the eastern slope of the hilltop, the Glengarries the right. As the rest of the army came up and formed into a solid line, the two forces shifted outwards. When the I.M. formed line, Ensign John Kilborn could have looked to his left. There lay a field of buckwheat and woods with the Niagara River beyond. (Buckwheat and woods also to the front.) The failure of the senior command to send other light troops or natives into trees was to have consequences.

As the Americans deployed some guns were planted not far from the I.M. Robinson saw an opportunity to harass or even take them. The Battalion swung its left forward. About this same time, the U.S. Twenty-fifth Infantry began firing from the woods to their front. This forced the Battalion to begin swinging back.

[O]ur men standing exposed in the open field to their fire until the approaching darkness and smoke hid them from view, except what could be seen by the fire of their muskets. In this position,, our men falling fast around us, we stood until some time after darkness had come on: how it was on our right I could not see.

After some time, a detachment of the Twenty-fifth emerged from the woods along the river. The Incorporated then swung its left back. (Imagine an armed clock going from 3:15 to 3:00.) This would have been done by the individual companies, with those on the right providing cover until the outer units passed back. (A difficult enough manoeuvre in daylight on a parade ground, not in crop field in fading light while being shot at.) This opened gaps in the line, with some parts in danger of being cut off.

Before too dark our line had advanced nearer the woods in front, and I could frequently see the enemy moving to our right, apparently for the purpose of outflanking us and getting to our rear – nor was I mistaken. Some time after dark, Lieutenant McDougall, of the Grenadier Company, which was on the right of our company and nearer the main road, came to me saying that I was too far in advance, that our men on the right had fallen back some distance and were likely to fire into us from behind. I told him what I suspected, that they were trying to outflank us and get in our rear. He at once proposed to extend our line towards the river, and, at the same time falling back to regain our line to the right.

While doing so, I came directly on a company of Americans formed two deep, the front rank with bayonets charged and the rear rank presented ready to fire. I was within twenty feet of them when discovered. The officer at the head of the company demanded a surrender. I hesitated for a short time, but seeing no possibility of escape, I told the men near me to thrown down their muskets. Three or four others that were much farther from them than we were attempted to escape, also Lieutenant McDougall. They were shot down and probably killed, except Lieutenant McDougall, who was reported in the General’s order the next day as being mortally wounded with six buckshot. He recovered, however, and lived many years after.^[14]

After I had, with five or six men, surrendered, the lieutenant in command of the company of about sixty men, formed his men in a hollow square, placed his prisoners within it, and marched us round near the river, and up by the Falls in rear of their army, and beyond the reach of a shot from either side.

Captivity

Thus, John Kilborn became a prisoner, along with many others, including Captains Daniel Washburn and McLean and Ensign Andrew Andrew Warffe (who also left a diary of his military actions and captivity), Also Quartermaster Thrower, four sergeants, and thirty rank and file.

Put in a tent alone, sentry being posted at each end, and my men put in another tent with a like guard. I had not been long in the tent when a British officer was brought in, who I could see at once, belonged to the staff.

This proved to be Major Loring, aid to Drummond, who feared the General himself had been captured. Kilborn estimated their number at about fifty men and eighteen officers. Amongst the latter he names General Riall, Captain McLean (I.M), and Captain William Hamilton Merritt of the Niagara Light Dragoons (who also kept notes of this time).

We were all marched a distance above Chippewa, and put in a large Durham boat, and surrounded by a strong guard, rowed across the Niagara River, and landed at a place called Slusher[sic], a short distance above the Falls. After leaving the boat, we were encompassed by a strong guard, where we were taken (that is, the officers, only, as the privates were not then taken across) in charge of a new guard, and marched to Buffalo, which we reached early in the evening, and were kept that night in a large unfurnished house, used as a hotel. We enjoyed our rest and food, having suffered for want of both.

The following day,

[W]e were visited by the commanding officer at Buffalo. They had paroles made out, by which we promised to go to Greenbush, and report to the commanding officer there. These being signed by all, the guard was withdrawn and we were no longer close prisoners. The next day [27], conveyances were provided, and all started for Greenbush, except General Riol and Captain Washburn, who being wounded were allowed to remain near Buffalo.

All officers received a cartel allowance of $20 per month, paid us monthly by the American Marshall, as their agent, and on which they subsisted. The soldiers drew rations.

Merritt mentions travelling with “young Kemble/Kilborn – and on the 6th the stage drove too fast and nearly broke down)", where they stayed four days. He mentions visiting the Museum and sampling oysters and good ports. Kilborn,

After travelling six or eight days in covered wagons provided, I reached Albany, in company with the late Hon. Hamilton Merritt, and we at once crossed to Greenbush, reporting ourselves to the general commanding there, and was by him allowed to remain at Albany eight days, then to go on to Massachusetts, the place of our destination

Accordingly in eight days, stages were engaged, and all, being then eighteen in number, went on to Pittsfield, Massachusetts, the headquarters of prisoners of war, having signed new paroles, not to leave the Township of Cheshire, the place assigned us being ten miles east of Pittsfield. We went there the same evening, procured lodgings, and remained there nine months, until the news of peace being proclaimed, when we wee discharged and allowed to return home to Canada.

Merritt and Warffe provide some other details. Merritt describes the village as consisting of eight or ten houses on the left of the road. A church was opposite on the right, where there was a plain green which was soon chosen for a cricket pitch. It appears there were about forty-six in and about the village. He mentions dividing into different houses, each paying five dollars a week for Board and Washing, plus two Dollars for each Servant. He shared Esquire Ezra Barclay's with seven others (but does not mention Kilborn by name). Amusements were: church ("fine Girls there"), cricket (the principle diversion we have), ladies visiting the house, a pair of quoits, fishing, reading the newspapers, and strolling and riding “to the limits”. (The officers could travel about, keeping within five miles of the village.) Otherwise, they hoped for an early exchange, and eagerly waited for any news of the war (burning of Washington, September brought the arrival of a Billiard Table with each subscribing two dollars to make playing very interesting, and establishing a small fund for amusements in different ways. Some nights the officers' late nights drinking annoyed the "moderate community". They viewed the local Militia's awkward appearance. Not all was harmonious, both Merritt and Warffe mention quarrels, some leading to some changing their place of residence. Many of Warffe's entries are a simple "Nothing extra", and expressions of finding thing rather dull. (He was one of those who shifted accommodation as a result of a quarrel.)

With the coming of peace the prisoners were released and made their ways home. Their expenses were paid. Details about John Kilborn journey are not known.

Sources

1. ↑ Feltoe, Redcoated Ploughboys, 363
2. ↑ Winston Johnston, The Glengarry Light Infantry, 1812-1816: Who were they, and what did they do in the war? Benson Publishing, 1998.
3. ↑ Gray, Irving
4. ↑ Gray, Soldiers of the King, 62
5. ↑ Gray, page 110
6. ↑ Thad Leavitt, History of Leeds and Grenville. Brockville, Recorder Press, 1879, p. 37. William Morris is listed as an ensign in other sources: Gray, 61,89; Irving, Officers of the British Army in the War of 1812, 50.
7. ↑ This was Private Jerimiah Mott.
8. ↑ Library and Archives of Canada, MG19/A39: Duncan Clark Papers
9. ↑ Regimental Order, Aug. 24, made Ensign John Fraser Acting QM until the return of the regular QM, John Kilborn. Clark Papers
10. ↑ He shows up in several Muster Rolls for Fraser's company (as "Kilburn") 25 April through 24 September (he is listed as absent on 24 Aug 1813). Returns for the rest of 1813 not found. However, the Roll of 25 Jan to 24 Feb 1814 do not list Kilborn, with Ensign John Campbell, instead. Clark Papers
11. ↑ He appears on a List of Officers at York, 10 March 1814. Clark Papers
12. ↑ LAC RG9 1B7 v. 20; RG 9 1B1 v. 3; Clark Papers
13. ↑ The McFarland House still stands, see: https://www.niagarafallstourism.com/play/historic-sites/mcfarland-house/
14. ↑ Daniel McDougall came from Captain John McLean who had chosen to recruit men above average height; as this made them stand out on parade they were nick-named the "Grenadier Company" (actually #7), a moniker that has confused many not "in on the joke".

1832 Baptisms

Children of John Kilborn and Elizabeth his wife were baptized in Wolford Feb 17, 1833

Roderick Hurd Kilborn born in Brockville, April 26, 1827

Mary Kilborn born in Brockville, 27 Aug 1829

George Kilborn born in Wolford, 17 Aug 1832

Rideau Circuit, Methodist Church Baptisims 1824-1843

.......

• "Find A Grave Index," database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QVLG-D2MN : 13 December 2015), John Kilborn, 1888; Burial, Wolford, Leeds and Grenville United Counties, Ontario, Canada, Wolford Rural Cemetery; citing record ID 103532885, Find a Grave, http://www.findagrave.com

• The History and Genealogy of The Kilborn Family by Bruce W Kilborn

• Family Search provides DOD, Christening (20 June 1794) and locations, but not necessarily sourced:

• "Had enough of the War of 1812?", Thousand Islands Life.ca,

http://www.thousandislandslife.com/BackIssues/Archive/tabid/393/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/1080/Had-Enough-of-the-War-of-1812.aspx

• Sources - War of 1812

• Feltoe, Richard. ‘’Red Coated Ploughboys: The Volunteer Battalion of Incorporated Militia of Upper Canada, 1812-15’’. Toronto: Dundurn, 2012.

• “Red Coated Ploughboys” ’’War of 1812 Website’’:

• Gray, William.’’ Soldiers of the King: The Upper Canadian Militia, 1812-1815’’. Toronto: Stoddart, 1995.

• Irving, L. Homfray. ‘’Officers of the British Forces in Canada during the War of 1812’’. Toronto: Canadian Military Institute, 1908.

• History of Leeds and Grenville. Brockville, Recorder Press, 1879. by Thad Leavitt. page 68

• Library and Archives of Canada (LAC) [Hand-written notes from original documents made by J. Everett, Ottawa, c. 1992) Digitalized copy of Capt. Fraser's company, on line: http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/microform-digitization/006003-119.01-e.php?PHPSESSID=gt8bg2rht3q1m7nm6vcacotod2&sqn=855&q2=35&q3=2840&tt=1244
• MG19/A39: Duncan Clark Papers
• RG9-1B7  : Pre-Confederation Records, Military, Upper Canada

• General and family sources