Joseph Frye (abt. 1712 - 1794)

Born about 19 Mar 1712 in Andover, Essex, Massachusetts Bay

Ancestors

Husband of Mehitable (Poor) Frye — married 20 Mar 1732 (to 1788) in Andover, Essex, Massachusetts Bay Colony

Descendants

Died 25 Jul 1794 at about age 82 in Fryeburg, Maine, United States

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Biography

Joseph Frye was a Mainer.

Brigadier General Joseph Frye served with Continental Army Generals during the American Revolution.

Joseph Frye is a DAR Patriot Ancestor, A043066.

Joseph Frye is an NSSAR Patriot Ancestor.
NSSAR Ancestor #: 162713
Rank: Major General

Joseph Frye was born on 19 Mar 1712 in Andover, Essex, Massachusetts Bay to John Frye and Tabitha Farnham.

His children were; first four all died young and within a few days of each other, with a terrible distemper, called the throat distemper in 1738, which swept off a great number of children in many parts of New England.

1. Joseph b. 1733 d. 1738
2. Samuel b. 1736 d. 1738
3. Mehitable b. 1738 d. 1738
4. Mehitable, who lived but sixteen days. b. 1739
5. Mehitable b. 1741 d.1818
6. Joseph b. 1743 d. 1828
7. Tabitha b. 1746 d. 1795
8. Hannah b. 1749 d. 1782 m. William Sargent.
9. Richard b. 1751 d. 1836
10. Nathaniel b. 1753 d. 1833
11. Samuel b. 1758 d. 1827

Much of the information on Joseph is from the thesis "Major General Joseph Frye of Maine" by Kenneth E. Thompson of Portland a “must read” for anyone interested in the life of Gen. Frye.

Early Life & King George's War

As a younger member of a large family Joseph did not inherit a large portion of his father's estate and consequently he became a surveyor. He built his house on part of his father's land and practiced his trade in Andover.

In 1738 the Great Throat Distemper struck the Frye family killing all of their children. Over the course of this epidemic of diphtheria or scarlet fever 5,000 children and young adults died in New England with 1,400 deaths in Essex Co. alone.^[1]

In 1744 the War of the Austrian Succession finally dragged England and France into conflict. This war was known as King George's War in the Colonies and the prime threat in the area was from the French stronghold at Louisbourg. In 1745 Gov. William Shirley of Massachusetts pushed for an attack on the fortress. The General Court agreed and enlisted 3,000 men. On 7 Feb. 1744/5 Joseph was commissioned an ensign in Col. Robert Hale's 5th Massachusetts Regiment in the 5th Co. commanded by Capt. Jonathan Bagley with Lieut. Caleb Swan.^[2]

The soldiers were put on board the transports in Boston in Mar. awaiting departure. On 22 Mar. Col. Hale ordered his regiment ashore and "Drawed up in a Battalion & Exercised till about 2 in the afternoon"^[3] Then the men "Returned on Bord to be Refrest & Rest our weary Bodeys."^[4]

From the journal of Benjamin Cleaves, clerk of Capt. Benjamin Ives’ Company:

"March, 1744… 18. Come to Sail and Saild Down to Kings Rode. Vessels their Came Down that Day about 13 Sail & 3 before. 19 hard westerly wind. Then Landed our men, Took in Ballis and watter, and Diged Some Clams. Then Come Down 2 sail…

21 I went to Boston with others for Beaf & other things. Then Come Down 10 Sail, and we had a Hard wind Down from Boston. We went Ashore on the Neck and Dined on our Beef and Come home about 4 in the afternoon.

22. Cloudy weather. Then we landed our men and Drawed up in a Battalion & Exersised till about 2 in the afternoon. A hard Shower of Rain & wind about 8 at night & then Captn Rowses Boat Come on Board in Destres. To Day Come Down 10 Sail…

24. Come Down 7 Sail. About 12 Come to Sail & Saild over to Deer Island & come to an anchor near the General, and about 3 in the afternoon the fleet come to sail, 52 Sail. We Tolld of Coming in to Beverly, but Toward night we Thought it would not Do

25. this morning we Got out of Sight of Land. The wind Being out We thought a Storm was at Hand and we stood in ward and come in signt of Cape ann, And the fleet standing off about 12 we alterd our Coast N: East till next morning. Hadley take sick.

26. Came in Sight of the Eastern Islands and about 10 Came in Sight of Pimasqued and Havin. Lost the fleet the Night Past. We went in to the harbour at 2 in the afternoon, Come to anchor and Land part of our men and went a guning But Killd But 2 fowls & went to see the garrison…

28 Cloudy weather. We Heard the Fleet was at Sheepscot. We went a Shore for wood and Fowles and Kill’d one Partrige.

29 We went a shor for wood & a fowling and Killd two Partridges and about 12 we saw the Fleet under sail. About 5 we came to said, the wind Being Fair. Hadley so well as to Look out, and Ober Better at night…" ^[5]

As noted in Ben’s journal they arrived at the Sheepscot River in Maine on the 26th. They stayed there until a favorable wind arrived on the 29th but encountered more stormy weather. The ships "Lay Rowling in ye Seas with our Sails Furl'd with Prodigious wave."^[6] Major Seth Pomeroy stated: "All yt I Took To Eat or Drink vomit up again Sick Day & night So bad yt I have not words To Set it Forth, nor Can I give any Body an Idea of it yt hath not Felt ye Same or Some thinge like it..."^[7]

30. About Break of Day the wind Come at South very hard & strong, Course S.E. till 3 oClock & then tacked W. for more sea room. About 9 in the Evening the wind Lowerd: at 2 almost Calm…"^[8]

The ships arrived at Canso, NS during the first eleven days of April with Commodore Warren arriving from the West Indies on the 23rd.^[9] The expedition sailed from Canso on the 29th and arrived at Gabarus Bay near Louisbourg the next day. ^[10]

"April… 2. Day Fair weather, wind att W. Sounded at 50 Fathom of water Supposed to be to the S: of Cape Cables, tried for a Fish while our People mended Their Rigging, Caught a Cod fish. At 2 oClock altered our Course stood E:NE a small wind. Ober Much Better.

3. Fair weather, wind westerly, and Eleven att night Saw a fleet of about 30 Sail, supposing them to be our Fleet thought to speak with them but could not; they Steering a wrong coarse for us, we left them. We thought they were fishermen.

4 about 10 in the morning Saw Land. About 10 saw a Large whale Pritty near. At about seven off Cape Sambroa. At 12 oClock at night Caught 5 Cod

5 about 7 in the morning the wind being E: and against us we Saild into Jebuckter Harbour and come to anchor about 9 and Landed part of our men For Fowling and Killd six Birds and got sum wood. 2 oClock Landed the Rest of our men, the wind continuing Easterly. Began to Rain about 9 oClock in even and Rained alnight.

6. the wind Easterly and continuing Raining. Some of our men went a Shore a gunning and Killd three Birds. Continuing Raining till the 7 Day…

8. Clear weather, the wind Westerly. Some of our men went a shore about Ten oClock & Killd one Bird, others went a fishing and caught one Cod. Having a Pleasant gale westerly we Come to sail at one oClock, the wind continuing till about 10 at night, then west at most. Calm till the morning.

9. then the weind Coming Easterly and Conterary we Saild wile, about 2 in the afternoon tring to get in at white head But Could not, and we saild about 2 Leagues Back again in to Islands Harbour and come to anchor at 6 where there was 3 Sail of Transports. The night Cold & snowey. Came in Donehoo and 2 Sail with him & informed us of the fleet…

11 about 10 Came in sight of Canso and saw the fleet. About 2 got in and came to anchor, the weather Clear and Cold. Then we hered that they had a Council of war was held and that thay had orderd the atact Provided we were not Discovered; if we were, not to Proceed… "^[11]

The troops landed and met only minor resistence from the French. Hale's regiment set up camp at Green Hill to protect several artillery batteries set up in the area before finally moving to the fifth battery known as Titcomb's battery.

"April… 13. Cloudy and thunder and Rain most of the Day. 20 men went on shore to work about the fort. The Carpenters Raised the Block House.

14. Cloudy and Rain most of the Day. Sunday the Carpenters worked on the Block House. Donehooe saild on a Coroose the 12 Day in the morning and ye 13 Day about 10 oClock Took 8 Indians at Doe Island. Came into Canso 14 day about 2 in the afternoon.

15. Clear Pleasant weather. Then the rest of the men went ashore to work about the fort. Capt & Lieut went Killd 2 Rabbet. Whale boats in the Evening to St. Peters and 24 men.

16. Fowle Weather, Cloudy and Rain. Capt Ives & Lieut Herrick went a shore a gunning and Killd one Rabbit in the morning. The whale Boats came back and they Could not Land at St. Peters Because of Ice [and this was in April!] about 2 oClock went ashore. Part of our men with the Collo & the Rest of the officers to Clear Land and Cleard about half an achor.

17. Capt Flecher Brought in a prize that had Taken a Cape Ann Fishermans. About 11 oclock Donehooe was Toed out of the gut of Canso in hopes to Take her again. They say that she had gone to gannaday. Being Calm the Sloop was Toed out by 11 whale Boats. Our men went a Shore for to Clear Land in the fore noon. In the afternoon Cloudy and some Rain. Fenced the Field, about one achor.

18. Cloudy Fowl weather. Then we went ashore to Planting and gardening. We hered Fireing at most of the Day. About 3 oClock Capt rouse and the other vessels of force come to sail, and about 6 oClock Donehooe & Swon Came in with a French Prize that Had Took Capt adams & Capt Brimblecomb. Dark Cloudy weather in the Evening. I went abord the Prize and saw Capt Brimblecomb and he Tell’d me he Saw my Father afortnight a goe Last Saturday, which was Pleasant news to me for Tell’d me that they where all well att Home. Then in the night Heard several guns Pritty near.

19. Pleasant fair weather. About 10 oclock in the morning Brimblecombs Vessel come in And Becket about 2 oClock. Swan Took From on Board the Prize Several Carrage guns and sail. Asset upon a coruse about 3. Came in the Cape Ann Vessel. In the after noon went on shore most of our men & officers to Cleear ways and mend fence upon The Collo Farm and gunning, but killd nothing.

20 Pleasant weather. About 10 oClock went on shore all our Rigement to Exercise and vew arms. Came in Donehooe. We hered That our vessels were ingage with a French Ship of 30 guns. In the after noon went a Shore for Wood and water and Run a line, set Bounds to the Farm. About 6 oClock came in a store vessel Bound to New foundland. Cloudy in the Evening.

21. Stormy weather. Mr Croker came on Board and sung Psalms and Prayd with us. About 3 oClock came in Collo Moors Sloop with adams vessel. In the morning Came in Captn Rouse and Telld us he had been in Chace of of the French Ship, but She out sailed him; But in their Chace when the wind was Low they gaind upon them & fierd 185 guns at them, But Found it would not Doe and Returned to Canso and the other vessels of Cape Briton Harbour. About 6 oClock Donehooe Saild to the Bay of Arts. 4 of Collo Willards men ashore up in the woods without Their arms and a Frenchmen and one Indian Took them and they went towards their [ ] Set Down to Eat & 3 men Took there arms and Rifle and Took them But the Indian Broke Loos and got Clear. Sent to St. Peters to Take it.

22. Clear windy Weather. Some of our men went to get Timber for the Fort. Capt: Durell arrived att Canso. In the afternoon went a Shore to Fence and sett Bounds to the Colls Farm

23. Clear weather. In the forenoon Capt warring with his ships come in site. Went Some to geet Timber for the Fort, some to Fence and Clear Land. Wm James was struck Down with an ax, But got up again wounded. Collo Evileth Returned from St. Peters with others, But Could not Take it; But Brought one sloop laden with wood, and one vessel Run ashore and Had 3 men Wounded. In the afternoon Cloudy weather. Comodore warring Lay too of the Harbor and writ to the general in the Stood of Designd of Cape Briton. Comodore Rouse Sent for masters of vessels on Board; about 7 oclock ordered them to fit for sailing.

24 about 5 oClock Fired one gun to onmore; about 8 oClock fired another to come to sail, But before we Come to Sail Saw a Connecticut snow Coming in which Brought word the fleet was coming in, that a Rhodisland Sloop saw off Cape sables a ship, and the sloop Chased her and the ship fired upon her & they have not seen her since. In the fore noon the Fleet arrived, 9 of them. in the afternoon went ashore to Clear Land and fenceing. Fair weather.

25. Cloudy weather. About 5 oClock Came the Rhodisland snow to wood & Water. In the afternoon came in the Rhodisland Sloop which we feard was Lost. Commosary Prout went a guning and was Lost; we Feard was taken with the Indians.

26. Rainy weather. In the morning sent Whale Boats and about 40 men to Look for Mr Prout, and Found Him about 8 miles from us. He had Lost his gun and was so far Over come with the wet and cold that he Could not goe. Capt Rouse Saild and the Rhodisland Sloop upon a coruse. One of Capt Rouse men Buryd in the afternoon. Rainey weather. Swon Came in…

29. about 7 oClock The Fleet Come to Sail; Pleasant weather. In the afternoon fair weath. Saw Commodor warrin and the other Ships of war; Saw Several whales; Saw St. Espirit before night

30. Pleasant weath. In fair sight of Cape Briton about 9 oClock; Came to anchor about 10; began to Land our men, and there was about 6 or 7 score French to Prevent our Landing, and there was more of our men Landed and Fired several guns and Killd 3 Frency & Took 2 one of our men wounded. Marched about 4 miles and Campt in the Evening about 8. Took 10 French & Swiss alive. Took 4 Ccows near the Town going to our Loging. Saw several Houses afire. Fired several grate guns from the Town.

May 1 Day marched Through the woods to flat Point. Our Rigemant met about 10 oClock; went to view the Town, and they Fired about 8 guns. We saw them strik but Sank no man. We got one Large Ball; Took about 12 men & 2 horses & 5 Cows. Pleasant weather. Built a new Camp in the night. About a hundred men Plunderd a Small Place and Burnt a wherry and much Rigne. Returnd about Six oclock. The 2 Day Commodore warrin Took one French ship."^[12]

The French had not finished the land defenses as they did not expect a siege from this direction due to the terrain. Besides this error the French garrison had mutineed the previous fall and was too small to withstand a prolonged siege. On 1 May the French foolishly abandoned the Grand Battery after trying to destroy the cannon which the provincials easily repaired and turned towards the city. The next battery was constructed on Green Hill, 1500 yards from the city but, this was too far for their artillery and another battery was constructed 900 yards from the fort on Rabasse Heights on 10 May. On 16 May another battery was built only 440 yards from the West Gate. Another stoke of luck at this time was the discovery of 23 cannon in the harbor which had been left there years before. The next day the Advanced Battery was constructed 230 yards from the West Gate and with the large guns from the Grand Battery succeeded in penetrating the West Gate and the adjoining wall. Commodore Warren captured the Vigilant with her 64 guns, 500 man crew and provisions for the city thus sealing the city's fate. Hale's regiment then built Titcomb's Battery 800 yards from the West Gate and on 4 June this battery fired red-hot shot into the city setting fire to many buildings. Col. Hale's troops then moved closer to Titcomb's Battery: "Our men finished our Camp, fenced in the Colls Garden, and our men Brought Garden Roots from the gardens Below and set out the Colls garden."^[13]

"May… 2 Day about 6 oClock Began to Call our men together, about 200 to hunt the woods for the Enemies, But Heard Capt Vehawn had Took Possesion of the Royal Battery where orders to assist him soon, to watch for the Enemy on the Back Side, some to the Battery. About 12 Collo Broadstreet order us all to our Camp as he went with his Regment to the Battery. Took about 20 men, 14 horses, 6 Cows. They fired Several times but hurt no man. Landed Stors & artillery. Plesasent weather. Took one French ship.

3. Landed artillery stores; Cleard the way for our artillery; got up one Large Mallter. Took Cows, horses, goats & sheep, and Prisoners. Got 1 gun to Fire in our Battery. Fair weather. Got 3 guns to Fire in the Battery.

4. Landed artillery and stores. Halled sum of our artillery to the hill; 2 mallters, 4 guns, and there Careges, and Boards to Cover the Stores; fired 3 Bumbs. Pleasant weather. The first Did not Breake; The 2 & 3 Did. Fired several Bumbs in the night

5. built our Camp & moved our Things about half a mile. Fired guns & Bombs; several Took 9 men & women and killd 4, and took some Quantity of goods in the night. Split one of our cannon to Royal Battery, wounded 6 men. Eighteen of our men to green hill to gard the artillery with others. Pleasant weather.

6. carryd stores & halled up cannon to green hill. 5 Cannon Clear at the Battery. Commodor warrin Came a shore. We Brought up Stores to the Storehouse; one mans foot Bruised with a great gun. Pleasant weather.

7. the armey Call’d to arms; stood in arms the fore noon. Sent a flage truce to the City; Dismesd about 2 hours. Calld to Arms; stood in arms till about 6 oClock. The flag atruce Returnd. Brought word that they would not Deliver the City Except we Could Take it by the Sword. Then Collo goreham regiement and others soldiers withthem to attact the warter Battery & the armey March’d toward the [ ] with there Ladders, and we Drawd off about 9 oClock & the whale Boat men made it so late that the Returned for fear of a Discovery. In the Evening fired guns & Bombs, Both sides Plentyfully. Pleasant weather.

8. went on Board the Sloop for things we want’d. Set our house on fire early in the morning when we were most of us asleep, which Put us in a great fright; But Put is out without much Damage. Wind so high that we could not get a shore. Spit 2 guns; got 18 guns Clear to fire at the Batt. Cler windy weather. 1 got ashore, went to the green hill to gard the artillery; 4 men wounded so that one man Died in about one hour: Broke the Morter Bed. Came to our Camp about 11 oClock. Wet weather…

12. Came to our Camp. Clear weather. Heard Mr. Crooker Preach in the after noon got the mallter fit to Play; fired several Bombs; the armey alarmd; Desmistt in about one Hour. The ninth Day in evening went to attact the Water Battery, But Returnd, Losing Each other in the fogg. Ten day Carried the whale Boats by Land; the men got in the Boats But they had no Comanding officer So did not go. Eleventh Day Buryed 17 men that the French & Indians killd that was watching goods.

13. Half our men went to green hill to gard the artillery, the other to Move the Tents. Cloudy Cold weather. Spit 2 guns att our Small battery, wound 8 men; one man shott at the Royal Bathary that he Died in about one hour. A French snow came into the harbor.

14. the other of our men went to gard the artily. Stormey, snowey weather [this is the middle of May!] then we had a Cold Teadious Day and night. The French Built & on the wall & mounted 4 or 5 guns. Built a battery of 4 guns against the west gate.

15. Pleasant fair weather. Part of us Came Down to gard the artillery and Rest were Released. News Come that our ships had Take one 40 gun Ship & that 5 men of war was Expected from England. Connecticutt men was halling there guns to their Bathery; broke two Carreges…

18. Pleasant weather. Half our men to the Battery against the west gate. With great number of others had a Hot engagement with Cannon and Small arms most of the Day. Several men wounded, 3 men Killd. Set a Barral of Powder on fire. One Shell split over our men, Killd one, wounded 1. Going in the evening to gard men to hall the Cannon from the grand Battery, But Before we got there we Returned about Eleven oClock.

19. fair wether in the forenoon. Half our men By the west gate Battery had a hot Engagment most of the Day. Cloudy in the afternoon & Heard much fireing of att Sea. Heard mr Crooker Preach in the afternoon. St [set] a Brl [barrel] of P[itch] on fire; wound several men, Killd one…

21. By the morning then our men Returnd home, Part of them, and some for Provision for the Rest. Fired Doing good service. Capt [ ] came in, Brought News that Commodore warrin had Taken a French 60 gun Ship. In the after noon they came of the City with the French with a French Flag under the English. Fair weather…

27. Last night had Bloody engagement at the Island Batt; about one 100 Returnd of 300 and many of them wounded. Captn Shaw Returnd. Found the French & Indians in Preparation to Come Down to us, But Drove them away; Took 7. Stormey weather. About half of our men Down to the house, the Rest to our Camp…

28… caught some Lobsters in the morning… June 4… Took a Ship and snow Ladn with stores from Canada…

5… Took 2 Ships Laden with Rice…

9… Came to our people 2 swiss last night. Came in a 50 gun ship and Brought news of 2 more a Coming. Comondore warrin Sent in a flagatruce yesterday and they Refused to give up the city…

12. two men of war joynd our fleet with 3 ships French that they took in their Pasage from England. Pleasant weather. We went to the grand Batt. & Halld 2 gun in the Evening and got the guns Mounted a little before.

13. 3 men of war from New foundland joined our fleet. Went in the Evening to Hall a gun; got it all to Before day…

15. Our men went to Cary Powder to the Batt. in the forenoon. Comodore warrin Cam a Shore to Counsel of war. Captn [ ] and Company went a Board the man of war. In the afternoon half of our men went to cary empty Casks & Shott and to guard. Pleasant weather. French went out in a flagatruce for 4 Day Socation of arms to Consider of some way of agreeing about Delivering up the City, But they would not hear to it, for the Comodore Told the French men we was fit to come in and Desind to om in the first wind. Pleasant weather.

16. the Flaget. Came out again and Delvrd up the City upon Certain Conditions. In the forenoon Mr Crooker Preacht, in the afternoon went to Preach Down to the Batt. Pleasant weather.

17. The officers went to the City; our Shiping went in. in the night Cam in a French ship Laden with Rice…"^[14]

Further warships arrived and a combined land/sea assault was planned for the 16th but, the French seeing the hopeless situation surrendered on the 15th. On the 17th: "our Army Marcht To ye Citty the Colours were flying the Drums Beating Trumpets Sounding Flutes & Vials Playing Colo Bradstreet att ye Head of the Army The Genl Lt Genl and Gentry in ye Rear."(10)

During the first of July the French were placed on transports and sent home as were many of the Provincials.

"July 3 the French is embarking; there are some gitting on Board as fast as the vessels are Ready. Fare weather.

4. 2 Transports arivd which Brought news of 1000 men a coming.

5. Cloudy weather. 3 sail went out with Fleet to cary off the French preseoners. Our sick & lame came on board the hospetill vessel…"^[15]

On 7 Aug. Lieut. Col. Eveleth left Louisbourg for the garrison at Canso, Joseph probably was among these men. Conditions here were primitive at best. Eveleth wrote to Pepperrell on 9 Sept. that: "we are the greatest part of us in health but hope you will now Release the men they have not cloaths to ware sum of them have not a Shoe nor Stocking to ware & Few provisions we have not any bread & no rum but we hope for relief soon."^[16] Three days later he wrote that: "at present there is not Barracks suitable for men to Lodge in- the rain beats in so that we can Scarcely keep the Ammunition dry there must be Boards & Shingles & a prety deal of work done if men Live here the Winter... We have here Eleven Barrels of Burlington Pork in the Store. We opened one Barrel but it was such that no body would touch it..."^[17] The troops here stayed until the late fall, Joseph being one of those who left at that time.

1746 to 1754

On 14 June 1746 Joseph was commissioned a lieut. in Maj. Titcomb's company in Brigadier Gen. Waldo's new regiment.^[18] Many men were sent to Crown Point, NY to capture the French Fort there. Joseph remained in Boston at this time awaiting his assignment. Things had gone badly for the English in Nova Scotia and the expedition to Crown Point was postponed. The threat of invasion became greater and Joseph was sent to Falmouth, ME to pursue the marauding Indians and stayed there until the fall of 1747. On 16 Mar. 1748 Joseph was commissioned a Captain of a company stationed at Scarborough to protect the area from the Indians. The Treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle was signed on 18 Oct. and the garrison at Scarborough was reduced in size to 13 men. During his time at Scarborough Joseph was evidently scouting around Sebago Lake and was: "pursued by a band of Indians, the Captain fled to the end of the Cape coming out upon the cliff... He let himself drop from the top of the jagged rock into the snow which covered the frozen lake, whence he crossed to the island that bears his name. The Indians were so astonished at his daring leap when they saw him crossing the ice, that they abandoned the pursuit."^[19] The rock is now known as Frye's Leap and the island is called Frye Island and is located at the end of Raymond Cape in Sebago Lake. It is interesting to ponder how Joseph got himself in such a predicament alone. Joseph remained in Scarborough until discharged in June 1749.

Frye's Leap- Raymond Cape, Sebago Lake

During his time at the Scarborough blockhouse Joseph was forced to provide subsistence for: "Himself and Some of his Company a Considerable part of the Time Otherwise Should have been Oblig'd to Draw off with His men."^[20] He applied for compensation from the Commissary General in Boston but, he could only deliver the balance in provisions without an order from the General Court. On 29 Jan. 1751 Joseph was paid £73/11/3.

At the Andover town meeting in May 1750 Joseph was elected as the town's representative to the General Court which consisted of the House of Representatives of about 100 members and the Council of 28 members. The session opened on 30 May and Joseph was appointed to his first committee assignment on 5 June to discuss two petitions of minors requesting to sell their land.^[21] On 14 June he was on the committee to examine the accounts of the Province Treasurer and the Commissary General.^[22] On 22 June he was appointed Tax Collector for Essex Co. on "Tea, Coffee, Arrack, and on Coaches, Chariots, & C."^[23] He again was on a minor committee on 27 June to consider a petition before adjourning on 3 July. The House reconvened on 26 Sept. and on 10 Oct. Joseph was again on the committee to examine the petition considered in his committee of 27 June. Adjourning on 11 Oct. the House reconvened on 10 Jan. 1751. Joseph submitted his petition for payment for his expenses while at Scarborough as noted above. He was also on several committees at this time including a committee to assess property values in order to compute each town's taxes.^[24] He was also on a committee to prepare a list of the member's travel expenses and attendance at the session.^[25] The term ended on 23 Apr.

At the town meeting in May, Joseph was again elected representative. Joseph was again Tax Collector for Essex Co. for Tea, Coffee, etc. before adjourning on 22 June. Joseph was on several committees at the next session which began on 2 Oct. and ended the 11th. At the last session beginning on 27 Dec. Joseph was on the committee to consider the Nantucket Indian's petition concerning the encroachments on their land.^[26] On 22 Jan. 1752 the House directed that the Act of Parliament of 1751 be incorporated into the laws of the Province. This act corrected the errors in the calendar which was by this time 11 days out of line, as well as put the beginning of the year at 1 Jan. instead of 25 Mar. During this session Joseph was again appointed to prepare the attendance and expenses list. ^[27]

Joseph became a land speculator at this time receiving a grant of five square miles on the Kennebec River from the Kennebec Purchase Company along with Ephraim Jones and Eleazer Melvin of Concord. The grant above the mouth of the Cobbosseecontee River in Gardiner, ME would be confirmed: "provided they get one Hundred men of twenty one years of age to inhabit on said lands within three years from ye 4th March, 1752, Each man to build a House of twenty feet long & eighteen feet wide & clear five acres of land in said time, No inhabitant to sell to any other inhabitants when their is but fifty families, but may sell to any other to be come inhabitants."^[28] Because of the wars and lack of interest Joseph lost his grant which was given later to Dr. Sylvester Gardiner.

Joseph was elected to another term as representative and went to Concord to the first session on 27 May because of a smallpox epidemic in Boston. On 2 June Joseph was on a committee to prepare a draft of: "a Bill in Addition to an Act Intitled An Act further to exempt Persons commonly called Annabaptists within this Province, from being taxed for and towards the Support of Ministers."^[29] The next session opened on 22 Nov. and Joseph was on several committees. before being dissolved on 13 Apr.

During the early 1750's Joseph changed the spelling of his name from Frie to Frye, a change which most of the family adopted.

Joseph returned to the House for another term on 30 May 1753. On 5 Sept. Joseph was on a committee to discuss publishing Cornelius Douglas' map of New England. The committee reported that the map was "very erroneous" and that "no countenance be given to its being made publick..."^[30] At the annual town meeting in Andover in March Joseph was elected as a selectman. Joseph returned to the Court and served on several minor committees before it adjourned on 23 Apr.

The French & Indian War- Nova Scotia- "Evangeline"

Castle William- Boston Harbor, 1789

Problems with the French and Indians increased and an invasion from the north was feared. Because of all the enemy activity at the headwaters of the Kennebec it was proposed that a fort be constructed in the area to protect it. This was most important to the members of the Court as many of them were involved with the Kennebec Purchase Company including Gov. Shirley. John Winslow of Marshfield was to command the expedition with Jedidiah Preble of Falmouth, ME as Lieut. Col. and Joseph as Major. In the midst of the preparations for the expedition Joseph was re-elected to another term in the General Court. On 31 May the men were mustered into service and camped at Castle William in Boston harbor. More men were needed for this venture and Joseph was left behind to attend to this when the major part of the force left Boston on 21 June. On 1 July Joseph was promoted to Lieut. Col. because of the increase in the size of the force. The Governor accompanied the expedition and negociated with the Norridgewock Indians at Cushing for permission to cross their lands and construct the needed forts. The expedition proceded to Cushnoc (Augusta) and built a fort there named Fort Western (a reproduction of this early fort has been built in Augusta and is open to the public).

Everyone was waiting for Joseph to arrive with the additional troops and supplies. Gen. Winslow wrote to Capt. Lithgow at Richmond Fort: "By Delay of Maj. Frye's Comeing, we are in Camp quite out of Rum, if you have any in the Truck House, supply us with Two Hnds or if scarce one, will Replease what we have when Stores arrive."^[31] Joseph left Boston on 15 July with the last 83 recruits arriving at Cushnoc in a few days. Joseph remained at Cushnoc to consolidate their position while the remainder of the force marched upriver to Taconnet to construct Fort Halifax. Joseph arrived at the new fort on 30 July leaving 100 men to work on Fort Western. Joseph stayed at Fort Halifax while a group was to proceed upriver to hunt for the French. Nothing occured on this expedition and the troops returned. On 22 Sept. most of the men left the Kennebec leaving 100 men at Fort Halifax and 20 at Fort Western. Joseph was carried on the rolls until 8 Nov. to pay for his time preparing accounts and muster rolls.^[32]

Joseph took his seat in the House on 18 Oct. and was involved in the discussion concerning the Albany Plan of Union of the colonies which was defeated due to fears that such a union might be a means of extending British control over the colonies. Joseph was on several committees during this term.

In 1755 the French were on the move in Nova Scotia and a campaign was organized to drive them out. Col. Robert Monckton of the Annapolis Royal garrison was appointed commander in chief with Capt. George Scott of the Regulars as Lieut. Col. of the Second Battalion and Joseph as senior major.

Joseph was in the process of recruiting men when he was approached by Robert Rogers who offered to enlist New Hampshire men for the expedition to Nova Scotia. However, Gov. Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire soon learned of this and would not allow it as New Hampshire was pledged to send men on an expedition to Crown Point, NY. Besides that Rogers was under indictment for counterfeiting. Joseph wrote to Gov. Shirley stating that: "Rogers was then under bonds to appear at the next Superior Court in that Government at the trial of some persons for counterfeiting their Bills of Credit, and that he is strongly suspected of being concerned in the affair, of which your memorialist was entirely ignorant when he employed him... he is so intimidated that he is gone to Portsmouth with a design to secure the men he had enlisted as aforesaid to serve his Majesty as soldiers of that Government; thereby to ingratiate himself to be admitted as evidence for the King, in order to clear himself of further trouble."^[33]

On 14 Apr. 1755 the troops were mustered into service but, they did not leave until 19 May.

From the diary of Dr. John Thomas who was a member of the expedition:

"May 22, 1755: wind S:W: I being on Board ye Sloope Industry George Goodin Comander we weid anker at Dear Island Rhode In Boston Bay In Company with the three men of war viz: ye Success Capt: Jno: Rouse Comandr who is Come one of the Fleet ye maremaid Capt: Sherley & the Comander ye Syren Capt: Proba Comander 33 Transports & Store Ships of which 2 Briggs 5 Scooners & the Rest Sloops & about Five Thousd & one Hundred Solders all Bound for Anapolis Royal…

23. wind N:E: Small Brease Something of a Swell Several of us Sea Sick…

25. Stood In for Land all Night Small Breeze we made Land to ye westward of Mount Dezert Called Long Island this morning…

26. Plesant Day Good Breze of wind S:W: Last Night we made grand menan this morning Small Breaze all Day we Stand for anapilis Gut about Seven of the Clock P:M: the whole Fleet Got into ye Bason of anapolis & Ancored about one League abouve the Gut Except 3 men of war Came to anker out at the mouth of ye Gut…

June ye 1 AD: 1755

1. we mad Sail at Anapolis Bason & went out of ye Gut with the whole Fleet of Transports which Came from Boston with ye 3 men of war Joyned by the vulter Snow & Four more Small vesels of those Bound for Chignecto [on the isthmus between Nova Scotia and New Brunswick] where we ankered and at a Place Called ye Grand Joging about 7 of ye Clock In ye Eveng…

2. wind S:W: we made Sail about 3 clock P:M: & Ran up ye to ye English Fort whare we all landed about Six of ye Clock P:M: on a Point of marsh at the Entrance of the River Leplonch Landed our men Drawed them up on the mash & marched them up to Fort Lawrance…"^[34]

On 2 June a Council of War was held aboard the Success. They resolved that the troops would land and proceed to Fort Lawrence on the south side of the Missaguash River. The French at Fort Beausejour, two miles from Fort Lawrence across the river, offered little resistence. On 3 June another Council of War decided to lay siege to the French fort the next day.

"June 3. Wind S:W: Blow Hard we Lodged at Fort Lawrance In the Barns or whare Ever we Could & among the Inhabitants &c Last Night we Pitched our Tents near the Foart this Day & made Preparation to march against the French Foart which is about 7 miles ye Rode as we are obliged to march

4. A very Plesant & warm Day we all Lodged In our Tents Last Night The Drums all Beat to arms about Break of Day this morning we mustered our People Dress them three Deep & marched 6 Clock our New England Troop Consisted of Near 2100 men Joyned with 250 Regulars from Fort Lawrence & Fouer Fine Brass Field Peaces Six Pounder Capt: Adams Led the advance Gard which Consisted of 60 men we marched on Slowly about 11 Clock we Came on Large Salt marsh whare we ware in Plain vew of a French Blockhouse & Fausins thrown up Sufficient to Screen a Large No of men whare thay Could Secure themselves from our Fire & yet have all the advantage on us but we marched on Direct for the Enemy this being the only Pass we Could have over to the main Fort yt we ware Designed for Now we hear the Indians begin to make thare most Hideous yells & Large Numbers of the Enemy Appearing Redy to Ingage us our troop keep on thare march & when we have Got within musket Shot we Recived The Fire of thare Swivel Guns with Partrige Shot which Seemd to Come very thick wounded Several of our men but None Killed we Returned the Complent with one of our Field Peases upon which thay Gave us a voley of Small arms I believe not Less than Six Hundred upon which our troops Fired Briskly Capt Brooms who Comanded ye arteliery Plied the Field Peases Clostly & the Fire from the Enemy was very warm for they Had Two Carage Guns & Four Swivels Beside thare Small arms but our Fire was So warm upon them & thay See our troops So Resolute yt thay Found we would Force them from thare Ground thay Sot all thare Buildings on Fire & Fled we Recoverd the Ground about 1 of the Clock P:M: we had but one man Killd Dead on the Spot 2 mortaly wounded 10 more thath are Likely to Recover of thare wounds this I think to be ye most Remarkable thing I Ever Saw yt we Should Recive So much of thare Fire & Nothing to Cover us from it & yet no more Killed & wounded but as we ware on a marsh & the Enemy on an Emenance thay Shot over our Heds but when we Recovd the Ground we Refreshed our Selves Dressed our wounded Put them into Carts & marched on 2 miles Toward the Main Fort of the Enemy & Incamped in a wood We are now 2 miles Distant from the French Foart Called Fort Beasejure we killed 14 of the Enemy Sertain & how many more we Cant yet tell but we Heare of a Considrable No: wounded this Fortificadtion was Comanded by monsieur Brulong.

5. Plesant Day we marched about 8 of the Clock A:M: Down on a marsh where we Halted for Some time & Sent Sum Parties to Reconoyter Found a Sutable Place on a hill a Little more than a mile from the French Fort whare we Incampled in Booths made of Pine Bows Capt: Speakman & I took 200 men on a Gard Sum Rain we heare Drums Beating & Great Confusion at Fort Beauojure.

6. Plesant A:M: we Cleared a Large Plot of Ground for a Regular Incampment Capt: Adams Relived me from Gard Large Fires the Inhabitants Burning their Houses a Small Number of the Enemy Came Near our Camp this Evening & Fired on us but we Sone made them Retreat we Catch Cattle Horses & Hoogs In Plenty The Enemy Send a Party to Intercept Capt Salvenus Cobb as he Came up the River massequash with his vessel but thay Doe him no Great Damage for we Sent a Party of our Troops who Ingaged them Behind the Dikes & oblige them to Retreat Carying of Sum of thare men wounded our People Persued them but thay Recovered the Fort.

7. Pleasant Day we Pitched our Tents all in a Regular Form on ye affor:mentioned Hill the French & Indians Fire on us Every Night & yt Briskly So yt the whole Camp is Disturbed by them.

8. Plesant morning Colonol winslow marched out of the Camp at 5 Clock this morning with 360 men, our Company marched In the Front & as we Came on a Small Emenence a Large Number of the Enemy Salleyed out of the Foart & Fired on us from behind the Stumps & Rocks but we Pressed on them with so much vigor yt thay ware obliged to Retreat to the Foart In Great Confusion we took one Prisoner it begins to Rain so that is thought best for us to Return to ye Camp whare we arivd P:M: very wet & Feteagued a Party of ye Indian Fired upon & took one Ensign Hay an officer In the Regulars as he was Passing from Foart Lawrance to ye Camp…

10. very Plesant morning Colonol winslow marched out Half after Seven A:M: with 400 men to Reconoiter we marched toward a French vilege Ingaged a Small Party of French & Indians but thay Sone Fled Into ye wood we Returned about Elevn Clock A:M: to ye camp I took the Guards P:M:

11. Colonol winslow marched out this morning but met with nothing very Remarkable Except Sum Scatering Guns Fired capt adams went with a Company of Raingers and Returned at 11 Clock with a Coach & Sum Plunder…

12. Plesant Day I went with Colonol winslow to Fort Lawrance P:M: Colonol Scot & major Prible marched with 400 men to the aforesaid Hill Near the French Foart whare thay ware Cloastly Ingaged for Near Two Hours with a Large Number of the Enemy but ye Enemy ware obliged to Retreat to thare Foart with Lost of men on thare Side we had one man Killed Right out major Prible wounded In the Hip & Several more of our men Badly wounded this Evening Colonol Scot began to open the trenches att the hill which & prepared to throw Sum Bumb Shels to the Enemys Foart.

13. Colonol winslow went to the Trenches with 400 men to Relive Colonol Scot we went to opening the trenches and advancing Nearer the Foart & Built up with Facines.

14. We Dugg Trenche all Night this Day we threw Bumbs all Day with Eight & Four Intch morter the Enemy threw from thare Foart 150 Canon Shot & Four 9 Intch Bumbs So that we Kept a warm Fire upon Each other all Day a Party of the Enemy Salley out on our Gards upon our Right wing I was ordered by Colonol winslow to Detatch 70 men from the Trenches & Go to the assistance of our Gards which I did & we sone obliged them to Retreat to the Foart major Goldthwait & major Brown Came from the Camp with 400 men & Relivd Colonol winslow very Rany In the Eveng & very Dark as we Came Dow to ye Camp.

15. very Rany Last Night & this Day major Goldthwait Comanded at the Trenches they Kept up a warm Fire all Day thay Got our Large Mortar to Bair on ye Enemys Foart & threw Several Shell of 13 Intch Diameter.

16. Colonol Scot & Major Comands at the Trenches this Day thay Fire very Briskly on Both Sides this morning about 10 Clock A:M: thay Sent a Flagg of Truce from ye French Foart to agree on Terms for a Capitulation by whom we Learn yt one of our Large Shell had Fell threw what thay Called thare Bumb Proof & Brok in one of thare Czments whare a Number of thare officers ware Seting Killed 6 of them Dead & one Ensign Hay which the Indians had took Prisinor a few Day agone & Caryed to ye Foart he belonged to ye Regulars. Thare was a Sesation of arms was agreed on to Continue until Two of the Clock In which Time a Party of Indians Fired on our Centrys the whole Camp ware Emediately under arms we Fired on them Killed one of thare Principle officers& Brought him into Camp but ye woods being very thick the Rest of them made thare Escape the terms ware agreed on about 6 of ye Clock P:M: & about 7 our Troops Entered the Foart & Called it Foart Cumberland the Conditions of Agreement ware yt the Enemy Should Diliver up the Foart & Kings Stores but Should be Transported to Lewisburge with all thare Private Effects at the Expence of his majesty King George. This Fortress was Called by the French Fort Beausejure & Comanded by monsieur Villea.

17. Plesant Day we Filled up the Trenches the Regular Troops Keep the Foart the French Troops are Preparting to Cary off their effects.

18. Plesant Colonol winslow marched with a Party of 500 men to a Place Called Gaspereau to take Posession of a Small Fortress which the French have Given up it is 15 miles from Fort Cumberland it Lays on a Branch of ye Bay of vert & is Called by ye French Foart Gauspereu taking it Name from the River on which it Lays it was Comanded by monsieur Virgo."^[35]

Joseph went with Col. Winslow and 500 men went to take possession of Fort Gaspereau. They were relieved on the 22nd by Capt. Speakman and Jones. The French then blew up another fort on the St. John's River and fled.

19. Our New England Troops are all Kept at the First Camp I went to Fort Cumberland P:M: it Contains one Fine Brass Mortar which Carys 1 10 Intch Shell & 26 Canon it Contans about 2 ½ acres of Ground very Pleasantly situated on an Emenance…

21. many of our People into Small Fevers & Purgeing but None Dyed.

22. Pleasant Day Capt Speakman & Capt. Jones marched with a Detatchment of 200 men to Relieve Colonol winslow att Gauspereau…

24. The Nutral French Bring in thare arms by order of Colonol Munckton & Diliver them up to ye Foart.

25. We have the acount by Capt Adams of Several men of war att Halefax & yt thay have taken 2 French men of war & Several other vesels as thay Came on thare Pasage…

July ye 1 AD 1755

1. I went to Fort Lawrence News from saint Jno that the French & Indians had burnt thare Foart & Houses & that the Indians ware for making a Peace with us & accordingly thay have Sent Two of thare men to Foart Cumberland…

5. Plesant Day this Evening thare is a Great Disturbance in Camp among the People by Reason of thare Not having there allowance of Rum Several ware Committed to Guard for words tending to muteny.

6. mr Philips Preached all Day on ye Perade I dined with Capt: Baley major Goldthwait Capt Willard Capt Speakman Doct Kast & my Self ware Chosen to Settle Sum Diferencs that arose Between Capt: Nathan Adams & Oliver Noyse which we Did P:M:

7. I was on a Coart marshal for the Tryal of those Solders which ware Confined for being Mutineers on ye account of the Rum we awarded one to be whipped 3 to Ride the Hors & the others to be aquited.

8. Half after 5 A:M: I marched with major Prible Capt Stevens Leiut: Herrick mr Philips Two Regular officers with a Party of 50 men from ye Camp to Foart Gauspereu we marched 9 miles then Halted at a Large Brige Refreshed our Selves at a French House Near the River than marched to a vilege at ye Bay of vert Refreshed our Selves at one Jaco morels House who is one of the Principle Inhabitans of yt vilige this was about 11 Clock A:M: then we Passe over a Cassway one & Half of mile In Lenth Came to ye Foart Gauspeau it is Situated on a Point of Land which Runs Down to ye Bay it is Near 10 Leagues from ye Island of saint Jnos by ye French acount this Chop of the Bay abounds with Clams Oysters Lobsters Ells Macrell &c & in Sum Seasons of the year with all Sorts of Sea Fowl Geeace Brants Swans In very Great Plenty the timber on ye Land Cheifly Fyr Capt Cobb at Present Comands this Foart with Capt Jones & 180 men the Foart is Built with Pickets 4 Blockhouses one in Each Corner of the Foart the whole Ground yt it Contains is 190 Feet Square a Store House & Barracks for 200 men.

9. Plesant Day about 8 Clock A:M: I amputated a Legg for one willm: Thairs Belonging to Capt Cobb Company his Native Place was Brantreyafter the operation was over all the Gentellmen & Party yt Came with me Returned to ye Camp I Remained at the Foart in order to take Care of the man who had his Limb amputated Capt Cobb & I went to the vilige about 7 of the Clock In ye Evening to See a French woman Sick Returned to ye Foart at 9 Clock.

10. Rainy wind N:E: I went to the vilige again P:M: to visit Sum French yt ware Sick.

11. wind S:W: I Dressed willm Thair’s Stump which I Amputated ye Day before yesterday it Appears very well & In a hopefull way.

12. Plsant Day this Day Doct whitworth Kast Fenchwell & Veal Hold a consultation on a man wounded in ye Feet & Take off one of his Leggs at Camp he Belongs to Capt Lampson his Name is Allen & Came from Conicticut…

25. I Lodged at Foart Lawrance Leut: willson Came from Gauspereau Brings an account yt one of Capt Cobb men ware Killed Passing from ye Foart to ye vilige on his Hors he & his Hors ware both Killed his Name was whitcum he Came from Hardwike Colonol Munckton ordered major Brown out with 200 men to Gauspereau to Inquire into ye Affair…

27. Plesant mr Philips Preached all Day maj Bourn Returned to Camp & Suposes ye man aforementioned was Killed by ye Indians from ye Island of saint Johns.

28. very Hot Colonol munckton views ye Invaledes yt thay may be Sent Home to New England…"^[36]

The Acadians had refused to sign an unqualified oath of allegiance to England and therefore on 28 July Gov. Lawrence of Nova Scotia agreed to deport the Acadians "to be distributed amongst the several Colonies".^[37] As part of this directive all the houses, farms, and other buildings not to be used by the English were to be burned.

"August ye 1 AD: 1755…

10. Very Hot Several of the Inhabitants Come to the Foart by Colonol Munctons orders Capt Cobb Sailed with 30 of our Solders to Sheperdy In order to See the motion of the Enemey thare.

11. Colonol Muncton Got 250 of the Inhabitants Into Foart Cumberland & Confined them major Bourn with 150 men Gaurded the Greater Part of them to Foart Lawrance whare thay are Confined major Prible with 200 men was ordered to Tantamar Capt Perey with 100 men ware ordered to Point abute & Olake In order to Bring in what thay Could Find Capt Osgood Took a Smal Party as thay ware Driving of thare Cattle & Brought them to ye Camp capt Lues of ye Rangers marched this morning with a Party of our men to Cobigate Ramshak & Sum other viliges 150 miles Distant.

12. Capt Joseph Goram came here from Pisquate with two whale Boats bring us the News of General Bradock Defeat att ye Ohio yt he is Killed & his whole army Put to ye Rout…

21. the Syren Capt Proba Arived here from Hallefax with 7 Transports under her Convoy In order to Cary the French Inhabitants off Capt Gay arrived from Boston In 63 hours Pasage…

25. 40 men Returned upon Party that have bin out with Capt Willard to Coligate &c thay Brought in Several Prisoners Burnt Several Fine Viliges…

28. major Frye with a Party of 200 men Imbarked on Board Capt Cobb Newell & adams to Go to Sheperday & take what French thay Could & burn thare viliges thare & at Pecojack…

Sept: ye 1 AD: 1755…

2. Plesant day major Frye Sent Leiut Jno Indicut on Shore with men to Burn a Vilige at a Place Called Petcojack after thay had Burnt Several Houses & Barns thay ware about to Burn a New masshouse a Large Number of French & Indians Ran upon them out of the Wood & fired on them So yt thay ware obliged to Retreat Doct march who had Just Joyned him with 10 men from Capt Speakmans Party who came on Shore the other Side of ye Vilige was Killed on the Spot 22 more Killed & taken Seven wound Badly…"^[38]

As seen in Dr. Thomas’s diary, Joseph and 200 men left the fort on 28 Aug. and burned 181 buildings at Shepardy and proceeded up the Petitcodiac River burning everything on each side of the river. A detachment was in the process of destroying a church when about 250 French and Indians attacked. The men retreated but, were not close to the ships. This resulted in 23 men killed or captured before Joseph could come to their assistance. Col. Monckton commented that: "Major Frye returns but with very bad Success for having divided his Party;... However they burnt upwards of 300 Houses and brought in about 30 women and Children."^[39] This incident received a great deal of publicity and accounts were printed in the Boston Gazette as well as the London Magazine.^[40]

Sept: ye… 3. Major Fry Returned with his Party & Brought us the afforegoing Account of his Defeat & the wounded men among whom was Leiut Bilings Badly wounded threw in the arm & Body. A Party Likewise from ye Bay of vert under ye Comand of Capt Gibbert who had bin & Consumed that vilige & the Houses adjasent…" ^[41]

Col. Winslow issued an order for all male inhabitants to meet at the church at Grand Pre on 5 Sept. when he would deliver his order: "The duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very disagreeable to my natural make and temper... and therefore without hesitation I shall deliver to you His Majesty's instructions and commands, which are that your lands and tenements and cattle and livestock of all kinds are forfeited to the Crown, with all your other effects, except money and household goods, and that you yourselves are to be removed from this province."^[42] The men were put on board ship were they waited weeks before being sent off with their families. This incident was the focal point of Longfellow's poem Evangeline.

"THIS is the forest primeval. The murmuring pines and the hemlocks, Bearded with moss, and in garments green, indistinct in the twilight, Stand like Druids of old, with voices sad and prophetic, Stand like harpers hoar, with beards that rest on their bosoms. Loud from its rocky caverns, the deep-voiced neighboring ocean Speaks, and in accents disconsolate answers the wail of the forest. This is the forest primeval; but where are the hearts that beneath it Leaped like the roe, when he hears in the woodland the voice of the huntsman? Where is the thatch-roofed village, the home of Acadian farmers -- Men whose lives glided on like rivers that water the woodlands, Darkened by shadows of earth, but reflecting an image of heaven? Waste are those pleasant farms, and the farmers forever departed! Scattered like dust and leaves, when the mighty blasts of October Seize them, and whirl them aloft, and sprinkle them far o'er the ocean. Naught but tradition remains of the beautiful village of Grand-Pré. Ye who believe in affection that hopes, and endures, and is patient, Ye who believe in the beauty and strength of woman's devotion, List to the mournful tradition still sung by the pines of the forest; List to a Tale of Love in Acadie, home of the happy." ^[43]

On 10 Sept. the first of the French men were put on board the transports to stay until final arrangements for their deportation could be made.^[44] On 13 Oct. about 1,100 of the Acadians finally left Fort Cumberland.

"Sept: ye… 10. Sent 50 French Prisoners from Foart Cumberland on Board the transports to be Sent out of this Province…

13. Raney Day we Continue Sending the Inhabitants on Board the Transports…

18. very Hard gail of wind much Rain & Snow the Camp Greatly Torne to Peases with ye wind major Prible Returned with his Party having Burnt 200 Houses & Barns…

28. this morning 200 men marched for Gauspereau under ye Comand of major Frye Doct Tyler went with them.

29. Capt: Jno: Dogget arrived here from Boston Brings us the News of major General Jonson Ingagement at Lake George & his obtaining ye Victory thare… ^[45]

Duty in the fort could not have been too tiresome for on 18 Sept. Capt. Willard writes in his journal: "I stayed all Night in the tents with Maj Frye and past the time with pleasure with him and Never Slept one wink this night."^[46] Perhaps he didn’t sleep because of the “very Hard Gail of wind” and the fact that “the Camp Greatly torne to Peases” as mentioned by Dr. Thomas?

Most of the time was spent cutting wood, garding the fort, and picking up the straggling Acadians. On 28 Sept., as noted in the diary, Joseph along with Capt. Stephens and 200 men went to Fort Gaspareaux with provisions.^[47]

"Oct: ye 1 AD: 1755.

1. Stormy Dark Night Eighty Six French Prisoners Dugg under ye wall att Foart Lawrance & Got Clear undiscovered by ye Centery I Receved Letters from New England by Dogget…

9. Capt Rowse arrived here from Hallefax In order to Hurrey ye Fleet with ye Prisoners from this Place.

10. Plesant Day a vessel from New York with Provisions.

11. Stormy Day Capt: Dogget Sailed for Boston the Last Party of French Prisoners ware Sent on Board ye vesels In order to be Sent out of the Province…

13. Capt Rowse Sailed this morning with ye Fleet Consisting of 10 Sail under his Comand thay Caryed Nine Hundred & Sixty French Prisoners with them Bound to South Carolina & George Cap Mackey Arived here from Boston…

22. Plesant Day I went to Fort Lawrance P:M: Lieut Curtis with twenty men went up ye River obare to Reconoiter.

23. Rany & Stormy Leiut: Curtis with his Party up ye River Obare as he was Bringing a Number of Cattle Sheap & Horses was Fired upon by a Party of French & Indians Leut Curtis ordered his Party to Persue them which they Did very vigoreously Keeping a Constand Fireing on Both Sides unto thay Discovered 100 more of the Enemy Laying in Ambush for them upon which Curtis & Party Retreated Recovered the Dyke on ye marsh ye Enemy Persued them Sum way but our People kept up So warm a Fire on thare Retreat it Stoped ye Persuers & thay Got Safe to ye Fort this after Noon a Small Party went out from Camp under Comand of Ensign Brewer who had a small Ingagment at a Place Called Olake but no Great Damage Done on Either Side…

27. Orders Given out for a General Cort marshal for ye Tryal of Capt Samuell Gilbert & Leiut Lawrance both of the Second Battalion.

28. Cloudy Sum Rain a Gener Coart marshal held for the Tryal of Capt Samuel Gilbert & Leiut: Lawrance Colonol munton Precedent & 13 members…

30. we marched Last Night to De Bute & att a Small vilege 3 mile Distant to ye Northward of sd Point we Discovered a Fire upon which we Sorounded ye house & Rushed on it upon which we Recived ye discharge of three Guns but we Enterd the house without any hurt but it Proved to be Leiut Curtis & Ensign Bruer with 35 men who ware out from Fort Lawrance to Reconoiter upon which we turned our Coarse for Olake it Began to Snow about one of ye Clock this morning we marched as Far as a Large Brige as we Pass over to Tantamar but ye Day Breaking & the storm Incresing we Did not thing it Proper to Proceed any Further & So Returned to Camp whare we arrived about 12 Clock much Fatiged… (142)

On 10 Nov. Joseph and 106 men were sent to Fort Gaspareaux to relieve the garrison there. They stayed there until 1 Apr. the following year.

Camp Cumberland Novb ye… 13. Marched out to westcock with Capt Willard & 120 men we ware Caryed over ye River Tantamar in Boats we marched this Night as Far as Eastcock we arrived thare about 12 Clock this Night whare we Lodged in a Barn very Cold but Discovered no Enemy.

14. Plesant but Cold we marched about Sun Riseing we Discovered 3 Frenchmen & Fired on them but thay Ran to ye wood So yt: we did not Recover them we marched on to Tantamar where we arrived about 11 Clock we Built Fires Killed Sum Hoggs & Sheap & Got a great Plenty of Roots & Cabish went to Cooking & here we Fired at a Small No of French but thay made thare Ascape into ye wood we Continued here all Day.

15. Plesant Day we Burnt a Large mass house & 97 Houses more we met Capt: Stevens with 200 men to Reinforse us we Returned to west Cock at Night whare we met Capt Hill with ye Regulars Colonol Scot major Prible & Several other officers with them & a No: of our Troops Came over to us In order to March with us to Memoramcook vilege about 13 miles from west Cock.

16. Lodged at west Cock Last Night this Day Spent In Killing of Cattle & Cooking & Giting in Redyness to march this Evening.

17. Plesant Day we marched Last Night about 11 Clock with 700 men under Comand of Colonol Scot we marched all Night very Bad Traviling Came to memoramcook about Break of Day we Sorounded about 20 Houses but thay were all Deserted Except one house whare we Found 9 women & Children but no man ye most of them ware sick we Burnt 30 Houses Brought away one woman 200 Hed of Neat Cattle 20 Horses we Came away about 10 AM marched for westcock whare we arrived with our Cattle about 7 Clock In ye Evening.

18. major Prible marched with 400 men I marched with him about 10 Clock AM: for Tantamar whare we arrived about Sunset which is Six miles from westcock we Incamped killed 8 Hed of Cattle Sum Hoggs Built Fires & Cooked our Provisions.

19. Sum Cold we Gathered about 230 Hed of Cattle 40 Hoggs 20 Sheap & 20 Horses & marched Back for westcock whare we arrived about 4 Clock with all our Cattle we exchanged Sum Guns with ye Enemy about a mile before we Came to westcock but no damage on our Side.

20. Plesant Day we mustered about Sunrise mustered the Cattle Togather Drove them over ye River Near westcok Sot Near 50 Houses on Fyre & Returned to Fort Cumberland with our Cattle &c about 6 Clock P:M:…"^[48]

Col. Monckton was not very satisfied with some of the provincial officers for in his journal he wrote: "As to the New England Troops The Men in General are good; But for the Offrs I can't say much... Majr Frye & Majr Bourne always active in their several dutys."(36) On 7 Dec. Fort Gaspareaux was renamed Fort Monckton in honor of the commander in chief.

Dr. Thomas sailed to Halifax before going home to Kingston and while there did some shopping: Decembr ye… 17. Plesant Day I went to Vandue Bought 26 French Regimental Coats…

19. Returned to Hallefax went to Vandue Bought 20 Pair of French Regimental Briches Came over to Dartmoth In Evening…" ^[49]

Looks like the gentlemen of Kingston were going to be wearing the latest French fashions (although six of them didn’t have any breeches!)

On 2 Jan. 1756 Capt. Willard left Fort Cumberland with 100 men and went to Fort Monckton with provisions for Joseph and his men: "Stayed with Majr frye & Jones who was both Ill but Revived much att our Coming to bring them sumthing that was fresh."^[50]

Disciplinary problems occupied much of Joseph's time at Fort Monckton and these problems had tragic results: "Whereas (notwithstanding the care, caution & Order of Major Frye to restrain the Soldiers belonging to the Garrison from going out of the Command of the Fort) many of them have been so obstinate as repeatedly to do it during the time he has been confined (by sickness) to his Quarters till the 27th January, on which day the Indian Enemy finds a number of them without their arms so far from the Fort they could not have immediate relief, falls upon them and kills and scalps 5 of their number and captivates ye 6th which was what Maj. Frye was apprehensive would be the consequence of such unadvised straggling, and therefore not only ordered and cautioned against it but set an example of carefulness by ordering a Covering Party of 1 Officer, 1 Sargt. and 20 Private men at all times when he sent any Party for woodcutting or upon any business beyond the Command of the Fort, and really thought by so doing he had sufficiently guarded against any danger of that nature nor ever did he know any belonging to the Garrison had violated his orders or set so light by his example, till the news was brought him (on that unhappy day) the Indians had attacked some of the Soldiers in the woods, which news was matter of greatest surprise, as he knew not that there was a man belonging to the Fort absent. Now seeing the Soldiers conduct shows such an unaccountable carelessness of their own lives therefore Majr. Frye orders that no one belonging to the garrison presume on any pretense whatsoever to go farther from the Fort than to the wells without leave of the Commanding officer." ^[51]

On 22 Feb. Joseph issued more orders concerning soldiers exchanging duties, directing the sargents to make a list of men for guard duty with no substitutions allowed.

On 1 Apr. Joseph and his men were relieved of garrison duty at Fort Monckton and returned to Forts Cumberland and Lawrence.

The enlistments were to expire in April but, not relief troops were available. General Winslow wrote to Joseph on 10 May from Boston: "I now have the pleasure to acquaint you that transports are taken up and will follow this to bring off your Battalion, am this day setting out for Crown Point Expedition... Am sorry to hear that your people are so uneasy hope all things will be set right, as I am certain Col Scott will do all the justice to the men that lays in his power."^[52]

The men, however, did not begin to leave until June with the first group arriving in Boston on the 18th. The rest of the men stayed on into the summer. This prompted Joseph to write a letter to the General Court on 23 July: "It is a matter of great grief to me to be a spectator of the effects of a raging sickness among the remainder of the troops sent here from New England last year for the removal of the French encroachments in this province, and daily to hear their just complaints of their being detained here so long after the time is expired they enlisted for, and not to have it in my power to extricate them out of their troubles and anxieties of mind. I am well assured in my own mind His Excellency Governor Shirley must be absent from his Government, otherwise he would certainly have taken such measures before this time as would have brought us to New England." ^[53] Joseph and the final 141 men arrived in Boston on 29 Aug. and Forts Lawrence and Monckton were demolished.

The French & Indian War- New York- "The Last of the Mohicans"

The next objective in the war against the French in North America was to take place in New York. To facilitate this England replaced Gov. Shirley as commander in chief with John Campbell, the Earl of Loudoun. On 23 Oct. Lieut. Gov. Phips wrote to Lord Loudoun: "I have commissioned Colonel Joseph Fry and Colonel Ebenezer Nichols to the command of the two regiments raised in the County's of Hampshire and Worcester, they have my orders to obey your Lordships commands, wherever they may meet them, to whom therefore, your Lordship will be pleased to Direct your orders with regard to their March and Destination." ^[54] Because of the time of year "the season" for war was over and Joseph did not go to New York and was released from service on 2 Dec.

The next year Thomas Hutchinson, a leader of the Council, wrote to Lord Loudoun on 7 Mar. 1757 that: "I perceive that one Fry who was a Lt Colonel of the forces that went last to Nova Scotia is intended to be the first Officer and I suppose will have a Commission as Colonel."^[55] On 25 Mar. Hutchinson again wrote to Loudoun: "The person that I mentioned before to your Lordship, Col Frye has a Commission to command the whole, & from the little acquaintance I have with him he appears to be a sensible well behaved man, & not likely to give your Lordship any trouble."^[56]

Lieut. Gov. Phips died suddenly and the government fell to the Council. Preparations were being made for another attack on the French in New York. Sir William Pepperrell, president of the Council, wrote to Lord Loudoun in April that Col. Frye: "assures us that the First Division shall begin their March in two or three days and that the rest shall follow from day to day as fast as they can be accommodated with Quarters on the road."^[57] On 18 Apr. Joseph petitioned the General Court to convey his and the other officers' baggage to Kinderhook, NY which was granted on the 22nd. Joseph deposed 9 Apr. 1757 to having helped a neighbor, John Wright, buy two parcels of land (200 acres) at Tuisset, Maine in 1749 and recalled the conversation in which Wright agreed to pay the owner Daniel Eames £500.^[58]

While preparing for this campaign in New York Joseph was given a silver tankard by the officers who served under him in Nova Scotia. The tankard was engraved by Thomas Dane of Boston and is now owned by the Maine Historical Society.

The Frye Tankard

Joseph continued to petition the Court for assistance in sending supplies and in purchasing the supplies. The first troops left Boston on 25 Apr. Joseph left later, stopping at Springfield to settle accounts with the commissary. He reached Greenbush on the Hudson, below Albany, on 24 May. He met with Gen. Webb the following day who informed him that all 1800 Massachusetts troops under Joseph's command were encamped at Scocook above Albany.

This campaign was the basis of James Fenimore Cooper's book: The Last of the Mohicans. A Narrative of 1757.

Joseph was still having problems with supplies and wrote again to the General Court on 2 June requesting additional armorers, armorers' tools, clothing and shoes.^[59] He then proceeded to Scocook and then the force went to Saratoga. The army then marched to Fort Edward on the Hudson River 66 miles above Albany , arriving on the 14th. Regiments from Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey as well as Regulars completed the army of 7,500.

On 26 July Joseph wrote that: "We keep our Camp Clean all filth is Carried twice a day and thrown into the River that there is no offensive Smell in it. Effectual Care is taken by the Doctr In all respects and Whenever the Small Pox is Discovered among us he Immediatly Informs the person that has it Sent over to the Hospital on the Island."^[60]

On 23 July 300 Indians attacked some carpenters killing several. A force was sent out of the garrison to attack the Indians: "in Sight of the whole Incampment for about the Space of 5 Minutes; when the Enemy set up their hideous Yells, and retreated into the Woods; our People following them engaged the second Time; and a continual Fire lasted on both sides about 15 Minutes."^[61] "Our Men were scalped and mangled in a most barbarous Manner; some of their Throats cut & c. one of Captain Arbuthnot's Company had his Head cut off and carried 30 yards off behind a Tree in order to scalp it, but being pushed on so hard, they were obliged to leave both Head and Scalp, which our People took up and put in a Handkerchief, and buried it with the Body."^[62]

Plan of Fort William Henry From 1765

On 1 Aug. General Webb ordered the Massachusetts men and some Regulars to march to Fort William Henry on Lake George to protect the area from Montcalm and his army. On 3 Aug. the French and Indians landed three miles from the fort and soon got around to the south of the fort, on the road leading to Fort Edward, almost completely surrounding them. The French demanded surrender but Col. Monro, the commander of the fort, refused. By the 6th the French constructed a battery 700 yards from the fort and the bombardment began. A sentry at Joseph's tent door had his thigh shot off by a cannon ball. On the 7th another battery was constructed and again the French demanded surrender. Capt. Louis Antoine de Bougainville delivered the message as well as an intercepted letter from General Webb dated 4 Aug. stating that the General: "does not think it prudent... to attempt a junction, or to assist you till reinforced by the militia of the colonies, for the immediate march of which repeated expressions have been sent... in case he should be so unfortunate as, from the delay of the militia, not to have it in his power to give you timely assistance, you might be able to make the best terms left in your power."^[63]

To receive a letter of this sort was bad enough but, to have it delivered by the enemy was completely demoralizing.

The enemy fire continued and they finished construction of another battery only 150 yards from the fort and camp. The Massachusetts regiment told Joseph: "that they were quite wore out, & would stay no longer; and that they would rather be knock'd in the head by the Enemy, than stay to Perish behind the Breast Work..."^[64] A Council of War was called and the officers recommended that Col. Monro surrender. Montcalm was to allow the men to march out of the fort with their arms and were to be able to retain one cannon in token of respect for their honorable defense. The sick were to be cared for by the French physicians until they were able to travel.

After the soldiers marched out of the fort the Indians rushed in and scalped the wounded and sick who were left behind in full: "view of the French officers who did not attempt to hinder or prevent it."^[65] As the soldiers were preparing to leave the encampment on the 10th Dr. Miles Whitworth saw the Indians: "drag the said seventeen Men out of their Hutts, murder them with their Tomehawks & scalp them, That the French Troops posted round the Lines were not further than forty feet from the Hutts where the said Wounded then lay, that several Canadian Officers particularly one Laccorne were present, and that none either Officer or Soldier protected the said wounded Men."^[66] The Indians then carried off all the Indians and Blacks belonging to the provincial units and plundered the heavy baggage of the troops. The Indians then seized the soldier's packs and Col. Monro ordered the men to throw down their packs in hopes that they would be satisfied. The French troops were of no assistance and the officers advised that they give everything to the savages. The Indians then took the arms, accoutrements and clothes. They then began killing and taking captives. Joseph described the scene: "the Savages were let loose upon us, Strips Kills & Scalps our people, drove them into Disorder, Render'd it impossible to Rally. The French Guards we were promised should Escort us to Fort Edward Could or would not protect us so that there Open'd the most horrid Scene of Barbarity immaginable. I was strip'd myself of my Arms & Cloathing that I had nothing left but Briches Stockings Shoes & Shirt, the Indians round me with their Tomehawks Spears & c threatening Death. I flew to the Officers of the French Guard for Protection but they would afford me none therefore was Oblig'd to fly and was in the woods till the 12th in the Morning of which I arriv'd at Fort Edward almost Famished."^[67]

After being stripped Joseph: "took a course to the right, out of the way, to avoid the savages and strike Hudson's River, westerly, and from thence go to Fort Edward. Accordingly, he executed the plan, but in the course and progress of his run, another Englishman found him and helped him up a hill. Then being too weary to trace the hill they ventured alongside some brook or most passable place, and the Colonel being foremost saw Indians coming right towards them. Then the case was ticklish, but Colonel steped aside and they both dropped, the Colonel expecting a tomahawk in his skull every moment, but the enemy not seeing them passed them by. Then Colonel and his fellow traveler rubbed dirt on his white shirt that it might look like ground. Then they walked for the Fort and recovered it in about two and a half days from the beginning of their tedious and dangerous run and march, tired and faint enough."^[68]

Most of the garrison fled down the road or into the woods or returned to the fort. Montcalm was able to save a few hundred captives from the Indians but, they left for Montreal with over 200 captives who were later returned by the French. It is estimated that 100 to 150 men, women and children were killed. Cannon were fired at Fort Edward to assist the men in finding their way back. The only reasons that New York did not fall to the French after this disasterous defeat was that Montcalm was overextended, his Indian allies had left for home, and the militia was arriving in the area. Joseph arrived at Fort Edward on 12 Aug. and proceded to Albany on the 14th. Robert Sanders described Joseph's arrival in Albany: "Last night came to my house the Honorable Joseph Frye Esquire who I scarce knew when I first saw him he is so meager and he is still a bed, so know not whether he will write you or any body... he talks of staying here some time to collect his regiment."^[69]

Joseph was back in Boston by 4 Sept. when he submitted his "Journal of the Attack on Fort William Henry" to Governor Pownal. In Monro's account of the massacre he was not very impressed with the New Englanders' performance: "I'm sorry to say it, tho with great truth, that in general, the Provincials did not behave well." He added that the Massachusetts men: "did their duty better, than either the Jersey or Hampshire men, who could never be brought to do their duty, with regularity, or resolution. The provincials in the Fort behav'd scandalously, when They were to fire over the Parapet, they lay down upon their faces and fir'd straight up, in the Air. I sent orders to the Captn who Commanded in the Fort, to take the first Man, that behav'd in that Manner, and hang him over the Wall to be shot At, by the Enemy."^[70]

Joseph petitioned the Court on behalf of his regiment for extra pay due to their hardships. The House directed: "That in Consideration of the good Behaviour of the Memorialist, and those under his Command in the Defence of Fort William Henry, and of their Suffering after the Capitulation, there be allowed and paid out of the public Treasury two Months Wages to the said Officers and private Men, over and above the Allowance already made them."^[71]

Joseph then petitioned the Court on his own behalf for additional money due to the extensive work he had to perform. He was therefore allowed wages until 14 Apr. 1758.

The French & Indian War- Back in Nova Scotia

Joseph returned to Andover until being commissioned a colonel 12 Mar. 1759 to command at Fort Cumberland on the Chignecto Isthmus in Nova Scotia.

Nova Scotia was relatively quite during this phase of the war as most of the French had been driven out. Sporadic incidents occured between groups of French and Indians against the English but, no major battles took place. On 24 Apr. 1759 the regiment left Boston arriving at Fort Cumberland on 5 May. The Regulars at the fort were not impressed with the new arrivals: "The privates are a poor, mean ragged set of men, of all sizes and ages; their Officers are sober, modest men, and such of them as have been upon service express themselves very distinctly and sensibly; but their ideas, like those who have not been out of their own country, or conversed much with Europeans, are naturally confined; they make a decent appearance, being clothed in blue faced with scarlet, gilt buttons, laced waistcoats and hats; but their ordinary soldiers have no uniforms, nor do they affect any kind of regularity."^[72]

Joseph issued orders on 18 May against straggling and firing their weapons a great distance from the fort to prevent the waste of ammunition and possible capture by the French. On 25 July Joseph ordered that: "not more than 3 men of each company to go out in a day, the captains to insure that the men do not take any of the King's ammunition, that sentrys would not allow any one to pass without written tickets from Major Indicott, and that soldiers must not go beyond the protection of the fort... All shooting at game, either flying or sitting near the fort, is forbidden." ^[73]

During haying season the soldiers hired themselves out to the settlers to mow hay. This reached a point where it became difficult to find men to mow hay for the garrison. An order was issued that all soldiers would be confined to the fort until a: "sufficient number of men are secured for getting hay for his Majesty's Use."^[74]

Besides these problems the: "soldiers have accustomed themselves to gameing at cards in ye Barracks which keeps them up late in the night. Which of course unfits them for duty and is likely may be the means of leaving their fires in such a careless manner as to endanger burning their barracks... by reason of the obstinacy of the privates, the orderly sergeants are put to great difficulty in getting their respective quota of men for fatigue."^[75]

Gov. Charles Lawrence of Nova Scotia was granting land to prospective settlers and on 8 Oct. a grant was made: "by His Excellency Governor Lawrence with the Advice and Consent of His Majesty's Council for this Province to Joseph Frye, John Indicott, Thomas Cheever and a Number of other persons... giving, granting, and confirming unto them in the proportions hereafter specified Ninety-five Shares or Rights of Two Hundred Shares or Rights whereof a Tract of Land already erected into a Township by the Name of the Township of Cumberland doth consist..."^[76]

Joseph never settled his lot and a new grant was made to settlers in 1763.

Joseph applied for another grant but, this was denied on 26 Oct.: "Colonel Frye, Mr. Jonathan Randall and others having made application for lands for a township situated on the Basin of Chignecto, upon searching the old records of the Province it appears that a part of the said lands had been granted away in the year 1736 to Brigadier General Richard Phillipps, Lieutenant Governor- Lawrence Armstrong and others..."^[77] On 21 Oct. the garrison received the news that Quebec had surrendered on 17 Sept. On the 22nd a celebration was held to salute the victory and the King's anniversary of his coronation: "at 12 o'clock 76 great guns were fired... every officer met upon the fort parade, and drank his Majesty's good health during the firing- after which they sang God Save the King, and they, with the whole garrison, who were all assembled, save they on duty and sick, gave three cheers, at which time 20 gallons of rum was made in good toddy and given to the soldiery; at night about 6 o'clock, from the alarm posts, every man discharged his firelock three times..."^[78]

The merriment did not last long as the enlistment period was over on 1 Nov. and the troops were anxious to go home now that Quebec had surrendered. The situation became worse as the men refused to do duty and were behaving disorderly. Joseph issued an order that the captains seize the troop's guns. The fact that the soldiers did not have the means nor the money to return home nor would they be paid until they reached Massachusetts saved the garrison from mutiny. Few soldiers arrived to relieve the troops and the General Court voted to give them another six months bonus to stay until spring. As noted the troops did not have much choice.

After the surrender of Quebec the Acadians began coming to the fort to ask for terms as well as food. In a letter to Gov. Lawrence on 10 Dec. Joseph wrote: "Being fully satisfied since their Canada is taken from them, there was no danger but their necessitous Circumstances would keep them under Command, I thought it might not be amiss to use my Endeavours, to make the Collecting them into a Body, as cheap to the Government as possible. Therefore told them I would Support no more of their number through the Winter, than exceeded the reach of their own Provisions. They then begged I would allow Provisions for one third part of them, assuring me they told the Truth at first, and if I would not keep that number, they must all die by Famine; upon which I agreed that they should send Sixty three of their People to Winter here, and that the remainder of them might come out of their obscure Habitations into the french Houses remaining on Pitcoudiack and Memoramcook Rivers, where they should live in Peace till Spring, and Ordered that they all be here to attend Your Excellency's Orders concerning them..." Concerning another group of Acadians: "their Business and Circumstances with regard to Provisions, was the same as those mentioned before, So I agreed that they should send two hundred and thirty of their People to Winter here; and upon informing me that they had Twelve Vessels in their Custody, that were Taken on the Coast of Canso the Summer past, I ordered the remainder of them to come with their Effects in those Vessels to Bay Verte, as soon in the Spring as the Navigation opened, when they should know Your Excellency's pleasure concerning them."^[79] Joseph along with John Huston, keeper of the King's ordnance stores at the fort, were elected the first two representatives from Cumberland Township on 4 Dec. 1759. Joseph's name does not appear anywhere within the journal of the second Assembly of Nova Scotia. He probably did not take much part in their proceedings given his military responsibilities.

The Indians also began arriving at the fort to surrender. Joseph provisioned these people as well before sending them to Halifax to sign a peace treaty. On 15 Jan. 1760 an Indian got drunk in the barracks and Joseph ordered that: "no non-commissioned officer or soldier belonging to the garrison presume on any account whatsoever to give or let any of the Indians now here or that may here after come to this place any sort of spiritous liquors of any name or nature whatsoever."^[80] This order was repeated again on 19 Feb.

With all these people in the area fire wood became scarce and Joseph ordered that: "a list made up of the French people from Merimishe (Riteherto) and Petticodiac (Memromcook) and make a list of those that desire to return to place of abode, and another of the able bodied men and persons who are to go and incamp in the woods where they may supply themselves with fuel and the rest to be moved out of the fort and spur into the hospital and hutts."^[81]

Joseph mentioned the Indians in a letter to Gov. Lawrence on 7 Mar.: "was in hopes (which I mentioned to Mr. Manach) I had no more treaties to make with savages; but he told me I was mistaken, for there would be a great many more here upon the same business as soon as the spring hunting was over; and on my enquiring how many, he gave me a list of fourteen chiefs... all of one nation... of Mickmacks; amounting to near 3000 souls;... I know this province, as it abounds very plentifully with furs, may reap a vast advantage by them, provided Canada returns not into the hands of the French."^[82]

On 10 Mar. Joseph related that he did not trust the intentions of the French people: "in the articles of Submition of this Brittanick Majesty made by mr. Manack and other Prinsabel men for them selves and other french People Residing at Pette Coud Tack and memoram Cook I have Setteld a Quantaty of Provision these People are to have... which I take the utmost care in my power the quantaty Should not Exced the Real Necessety of the Indigent People att the Several Places above mentioned which I lookt upon my Indispencable Duty to Doe- not only the Colecting those People in to a body as Cheep to the government as Possible But to Prevent any Supplys going to the french att Restiqush and other places... as appears to me Remains obstinate as I can hear no News of their Inclination as a People to make their Submission as the others have Done... some had the Front to apply to me for Provisions to Carrey away I have Cause to Suspect there may be Sum scheem Laid among them to supply those obstanate People... therefore Its my Express orders that no Person or Persons What Ever Belonging to this garrison or What is or are Inhabitents Within the Command of this Place Presume Either Directly or indirectly to Send any Sort of Provision from this to any of the Places above Mentioned or to Supply those People with any Sort of Provision more than what they may want for their Subsistance while here."^[83]

Besides his problems with his troops, the French, and the Indians he also had a problem with pigs running loose and digging in the earthworks of the fort. On 18 Mar. Joseph issued an order for the owners to put rings in the pig's noses. This was not complied with and on 2 May Joseph ordered the sentries: "whenever they see any swine digging in the earthworks they are directed to kill them if they can possibly."^[84]

With the end of the additional enlistment time approaching, the men began to imbibe a great deal. Joseph ordered that the soldiers were not to have any liquor except between 11 AM and 3 PM. Also all trading with the French and Indians for any valuables was forbidden.

The date for the end of their enlistment came and went, and the soldiers became mutinous again. General Amherst wrote to Gov. Lawrence on 17 May: "I have this, by express, a letter from Governor Pownall, accompanying one from Colonel Frye, complaining of the perverseness of the men under his command, and that notwithstanding the Bounty granted them by their Government, they were bent on returning home, and quitting Fort Cumberland, threatening all to thirty-five, to go off by land."^[85]

Again it was a long walk home and the men were persuaded to stay through the summer.

Things went on as they had the previous summer. In late July Joseph wrote to Gov. Lawrence that there were still over 300 French at the fort and that he expected 700 more.

The situation became more tense at the fort and on 26 Aug. 38 men seized the sloop Prosperous, which had brought supplies to the fort, and sailed for home. These men were never prosecuted as their enlistments had long ago expired.

On 8 Sept. an alarm was issued: "word to be passed by the sentries every 10 minutes after tattoo beating; patrols to pass hourly every night among and round the huts and hospital... no light, no fires after tattoo beating are allowed either English or French... no soldiers to sleep out of his barracks except such as are ordered so to do, nor to be out of the fort after tattoo beating on any pretence whatever except ordered; all officers and non-commissioned officers appointed to their alarm post shown them yesterday to hold themselves in the utmost readiness so they may take their post at a minutes warning... a discharge of three cannon is settled as a garrison alarm by which all might know that an enemy is discovered."^[86] The alarm passed and, unknown to the garrison, Gov. General Vaudreuil had surrendered Canada to General Amherst at Montreal the day before.

Most of the men were sent back home over the course of the fall. Joseph remained until December when Capt. Roderick MacKenzie arrived with his company of Regulars to replace him. After transfering all the papers and duties to him, Joseph sailed for Boston on 17 Dec.

Founding of Fryeburg- "Calm Content"

Joseph returned to Andover and at the town meeting on 21 May 1761 he was elected moderator. He then turned his attention to obtaining a land grant on the Saco River at the Indian village of Pequawket.

On 11 Nov. 1761 Joseph petitioned the General Court to be able to purchase land on the Saco River. On 18 Nov. the petition was read in the House and then tabled. On 29 Jan. 1762 the petition was refered to a committee which accepted it on 3 Mar. The House of Representatives, with consent of the Council and the governor, granted Joseph six square miles of land on the Saco River. He was required to submit a plan of the town within six months and: "to settle the same with Sixty good familys, each of which in the term of five years from the grant to have built a good house of twenty feet by eighteen and seven feet stud, and have clear'd for pasturage or tillage seven Acres each, and that they also, out of the premises grant one sixty fourth part to the first ordain'd protestant minister, One sixty fourth part for the use of a parsonage forever, One sixty fourth part for the Use of Harvd. College in Cambridge forever and One other sixty fourth part for the use of a School forever within the said town, and further that the said Joseph Frey give bond with sufficient security to the Treasurer to pay to him or his successor for the use of the Province One Hundred pounds Lawful money within twelve months from the date of the confirmation of the grant, and that the said Town shall within ten years have a protestant minister settled among them."^[87]

At the May town meeting Joseph was elected as Andover's representative to the General Court. On 28 May he was appointed to a committee to look at which laws were going to expire and issue a report. On 1 June he was appointed to two other committees. Before adjournment on 15 June Joseph served on three more committees.

During this break in the sessions of the Court, Joseph went to his grant to survey it. He submitted this when he returned for the next session of the Court on 8 Sept. He served on one committee during the eleven day session. The Court reconviened on 12 Jan. 1763 and Joseph was on the committee to examine the muster rolls for the previous year. He was on several committees as well as one: "to project some proper Method for the Settlement of the Line" between Maine and New Hampshire. On 24 Feb. 1763 Joseph's land grant was confirmed.

The National Museum of American History at the Smithsonian has Joseph's compass, made by Thomas Greenough of Boston. Thomas Greenough (1710-1785) was a mathematical instrument maker in Boston who specialized in backstaffs and other instruments for nautical use. It is thus not surprising that the central image on this card (which is terribly worn and faded) depicts a man on shore sighting with a backstaff and a two-masted ship at sea. Joseph was the original owner of this compass, probably acquired it in 1762, at the time that the Massachusetts General Court granted him a township in Maine. The town of Fryeburg was incorporated in 1777. The Smithsonian also has the manuscript "Tables Useful in Surveying Land, made and presented by Joseph Frye to his son, Joseph Frye, Jr., November 18, A.D. 1783."^[88]

Joseph Frye's Surveyor's Compass- National Museum of American History

Joseph then began soliciting settlers for his town. He kept eight parts for himself, one for his son Joseph Jr., one for his nephew Simon Frye, and one for Caleb Swan of Methuen who had served with Joseph at the capture of Louisbourg and who had married Joseph's niece Dorothy Frye. The other 49 parts went to 39 non-relatives.

Joseph was not re-elected to the House due to his new project in Maine but, he did serve on the committee to settle the boundary between Maine and New Hampshire. They submitted their report to the House on 28 Jan. 1764 and the House agreed with the report but, New Hampshire had not taken any part in the survey therefore the issue remained unresolved.

At the annual town meeting on 5 Mar. Joseph was chosen moderator as well as selectman. At the May meeting he was again chosen as the town's representative to the General Court.

The General Court convened on 30 May in Concord due to a smallpox outbreak in Boston. The major subject of this session was the Sugar Act which the House wanted repealed. They sent a letter to Jasper Mauduit, the province agent in London telling him to work for its repeal and to work against the proposed Stamp Act. They also sent him a "Brief State of the Rights of the Colonies" by James Otis Jr.

The Court adjourned on 15 June and Joseph went to his township. In July Joseph dined with Rev. Timothy Walker in Concord, NH and the Reverend went to Joseph's town in Sept. On 23 Sept. he preached to about 45 people. He went back home on 1 Oct. and Joseph returned to Andover and then to Boston to be at the opening of the next session of the Court on 18 Oct.

During this session of the court the Sugar Act was debated and a petition was sent to the King and Parliament requesting that the colonies continue to enjoy the privilege of internal taxation. Joseph served on the committee to prepare the travel and attendance list for the members at the session before it's adjournment on 3 Nov.

Joseph then headed back to Maine, stopping at Rev. Walker's in Concord on 18 Nov.

Joseph was back in Boston for the last session which began on 9 Jan. 1765 and served on several committees. This session adjourned on 9 Mar. Joseph was appointed by the Governor and the Council as a justice of the peace for Essex Co. on 3 Apr.^[89]

On 13 Feb. 1765 the Kennebec Co. granted 1010 acres of land to General Winslow and 506 acres to Joseph near the Kennebec River.^[90] Joseph's connection with the company had ended in the mid 1750's therefore the reason for this grant is unknown. Probably it was for some past service. Joseph and the General sold the property 25 June 1772 to William Sever of Kingston, MA for £450 of which Joseph received one- third. ^[91]

On 16 Feb. 1765 Joseph was one of three signers of a bond for £2,000 as a guarantee for Capt. Henry Young Brown to fulfil the terms of his grant of land next to Joseph's which became Brownfield.^[92]

By summer Joseph was back on his land grant. In July Rev. Timothy Walker Jr. of Concord visited the township and stayed six weeks. Joseph probably went home in August as his daughter Mehitable was married to Dr. Josiah Chase on the 22nd in Andover.

On 2 Feb. 1766 the proprietors petitioned to call a meeting of the proprietors on 23 June in the township which was granted.^[93] The meeting was held at Ezekiel Walker's house at Pequawket and Joseph was chosen moderator and clerk. Prior to this first town meeting at what was to become Fryeburg, Joseph was chosen moderator of the Andover town meeting on 3 Mar.^[94] Joseph was looking for a minister for the town in 1767 and contracted with Grindall Rawson of Sutton. Rev. Rawson had been unemployed prior to going to Fryeburg and had previously resigned from one pastorate under fire and had been fired from another. He also had gone through a messy divorce. Needless to say the good Reverend returned to Sutton the next year and became a school teacher.

The next meeting of the proprietors was on 29 June 1767 at Ezekiel Walker's house and Joseph was again chosen moderator. The meeting was adjourned until 27 July when they met at Joseph's house and finished their business.

Rev. Paul Coffin of Buxton passed through the town on 4 Oct. 1768: "We took Colonel Frye in our way, who entertained us with his pleasant and instructive chat. He gave us a lively instance of the unhappy influence which the popish clergy have over their hearers. When at Fort Cumberland in the bottom of the Bay of Fundy, he killed a number of little Birds, brought them home and hove them on the hearth; upon which a Frenchman made a long speech which being interpreted in Q.D. ‘Sometime past these little Birds eat all our grain, and our Fathers with ye Priests made prayers on that sad occasion, and the bills of these little Birds were twisted and bent so that they could not eat up de grain’. Then the Colonel laughed at their stupid delusion and shewed the little bills as good as ever. He told us also that at the breach of the solemn capitulation at Fort William Henry, he tried his legs with others, but was overtaken by the savages and striped to his shirt, breeches, stockings and shoes; then getting his liberty he took a course to the right, out of the way, to avoid the savages and strike Hudson’s River, westerly, and from thence go to Fort Edward. Accordingly he executed the plan, but in the course and progress of his run, another Englishman found him and helped him up the hill. Then being too weary to trace the hill they ventured alongside some brook or most passable place, and the Colonel being foremost saw Indians coming right towards them. Then the case was ticklish, but Colonel stepped aside and they both dropped, the Colonel expecting a tomahawk in his skull every moment, but the enemy not seeing them passed them by. Then Colonel and his fellow traveler rubbed dirt on his white shirt that it might look like the ground. Then they walked for the Fort and recovered it in about two and a half days from the beginning of their tedious and dangerous run and march, tired and faint enough. We saw the gentle declivity where the Col. is about to raise his house, having the timber already hewed. The house is to be 40 and 30."^[95] Evidently the earlier meetings had been held in a temporary residence.

On 2 Jan. 1770 Joseph and Mehitable sold several pieces of land including their house and barn to Samuel Carlton for £306.^[96] He also directed his nephew Simon to sell Carlton his share of his mother's land as she had given Carlton a verbal promise to extend his lease to this land on which he had made several improvements. Joseph also told Simon that: "Lt. Col. James Frye, always pregnant with ill nature, watched for your Brother Isaac's coming to Town and a few days ago catched him before Carlton knew he was in Town and Bargained for his part in this land and yesterday I wrote a Deed of it to James so he has got it and I am sorry. And now, he seems to undervalue your part (as I am told) which I suppose he thinks he may do safely, since he has got Isaac's part and thereby pleases himself with the thoughts that no body will buy of you besides himself, so he shall get it very cheap."^[97] No love lost between Joseph and his cousin!

About this time Joseph wrote his poem Calm Content:

Joseph was appointed a justice of the peace for York Co. by acting Gov. Hutchinson and the Council on 21 June 1770.^[99] He had by this time moved his family to the township.

On 18 Oct. 1771 Joseph petitioned the General Court for a license to sell liquor, stating that he was opening a store. The petition was eventually approved and he was granted a license to sell spiritous liquors in "Fryburgh".^[100]

The boundary dispute between Massachusetts and New Hampshire caught up with Joseph by 1771 and on 31 May he petitioned for compensation for: "a Tract of Land granted to him, which by the running of the Line falls within the Province of New Hampshire."^[101] After much petition writing the trade of the disputed 4147 acres was obtained to the north of Fryeburg and was surveyed in Mar. 1774, however, due to the political problems the land swap was not resolved.

Joseph was also concerned with the lack of a road to the seaport at Falmouth. In Nov. 1771 he went to Falmouth to obtain assistance in opening a road from Pearsontown (Standish) to the great falls of the Saco River. The resulting petition to the General Court for a grant of wilderness through which the road would pass was denied but, the road was completed.

On 19 Sept. 1774 the proprietors held their first meeting in seven years. Joseph was chosen moderator and clerk and the meeting was held at his house. On 5 Oct. at another meeting, the proprietors voted to give Rev. William Fessenden: "a call to settle in the Ministry of the Gospel". Another meeting was held on 16 Jan. 1775 at Joseph's house to swear in several town officials and Rev. Fessenden's letter accepting his new post was read.

The Revolutionary War

By this time the war had started and on 25 May Joseph left town to try and obtain power for the town but, he: "could hear of none in Falmouth, Portsmouth, Newbury, nor any other Trading Towns in the Eastern Country, in the County of Essex nor any where else."^[102] He went to Watertown where the Provincial Congress was held and petitioned for some powder and lead to protect the town from Indian attack from Canada. He then went to Andover to await the arrival of the powder. Upon hearing of the battle of Bunker Hill Joseph left Andover and went to General Ward's camp at Cambridge arriving on 19 June. Joseph noted that he: "found the Hon General Ward Commander in Chief of the Forces that were in the Field, also many other Gentlemen some of whom were officers who had been with your Memorialist in the wars with the French & Indians, and other Men that were privates, who had been under his particular Command in those wars, all of whom appear'd very Desirous of his Company in the army, and not only those, but Several of the Honorable Gentlemen belonging to the Congress then sitting at Watertown desired the Same. Your Memorialist, finding his Service so generally desired, Consented to Serve his Country accordingly, the distresses of his Exposed Plantation not withstanding. Whereupon the Honourable the Congress of this Colony were pleas'd to Honour Him with a Major General's Commission."^[103]

Gentlemen - Watertown June 20th 1775
I Received the Letters, with which you were pleased to favor me per Mr. Fessenden on Saturday last being the 18th Instant, at a Critical Time for the Army posted at Cambridge. The Evening preceeding Orders were Issued in Consequence of a Consultation between the General Officers and Committee of Safety to take possession of Dorchester Hill and Bunkers hill in Charlestown which I must confess gave me most sensible Pain on hearing more especially as it had been determined about Ten Days before by the same Council and a junction of the Committee of Supplies by their desire, that it would be attended with a great expence of Ammunition by Ordinance and that therefore it was inexpedient and hazardous.

As soon as it was discovered by the Enemy on Saturday Morning a firing began from the Lively in Charlestown River and also from the Batteries in Boston, which was returned against the Latter by the American Forces untill it subsided on the side of the Enemy and only one Man was lost in the Morning. Our Forces exerted themselves in getting entrenched and soon discovered that a Warm engagement must take place; not withstanding which Care was not taken to place a sufficient Number of Artillery and Cannon on the Hill to defend it. At Noon the Enemy bro’t in Two or Three Ships of the Line with which, the Lively, and Batteries at Boston, they endeavoured to Dislodge our Forces, soon after they landed about 3000 Regulars and a warm Engagement began, in which our Forces in the Intrenchment behaved like Heroes, but were not sufficiently provided with Artillery nor timely reinforced from Cambridge. They soon found it necessary to Abandon an intrenchment on a Hill to the Eastward of Bunker Hill and made a stand at the Lines on the Hill last mentioned. The Forces then being put in Flames by the Enemy the Enemy advanced and a Furious Fire was kept up for some time on both sides untill the Enemy Forced the Lines and depended on pushing their Bayonets. Our Forces after being overpowered in the Intrenchments left them to the Enemy who are now posted there, and retreated about 3 Quarters of a Mile toward Cambridge where they have four [, Start insertion,cannon, End,] One of which is on a high Hill opposite or near the Stone House and So situated that with good Conduct we expect an Effectual stand. Our good, our beloved Friend Doctor Warren was on Bunker Hill when the Lines were forced and is no more, he was two Days before Chosen second Majr. General, Accepted on Friday and on Saturday dyed like a Hero. We can only drop a Tear for our worthy Brother and Console ourselves with the Consideration that his Virtue and Valour will be rewarded in Heaven. The Reports relative to our loss is varient from 20 to 80 Killed and wounded but I cannot think we shall find it quite so inconsiderable and from the best judgment which I can form at present believe it will turn out about 150 or 200. This is a Matter we decline noticing here at present, Altho we dont neglect to Speak of the Loss of the Enemy which I suppose is fully equal to our own. We labour, we are retarded, we suffer for want of a General at Cambridge. Ward is an honest Man but I think Wants the Genius of a General in every Instance. Command, order, Spirit, Invention and Discipline are deficient, what then remains that produced this Choice, I know not. General Thomas is from his Character and Conduct a fine fellow, his camp at Roxbury is always in order without trouble to Congress or their Committees. The other at Cambridge ever wanting and never right. I hope We shall not suffer from this Accident. Col. Fry of Andover is in the Cabinet intended as Major General. Colo. Heath first Brigadier General and I suppose will be chosen and Commissioned this Day, but we must have the Assistance of Military skill whereever to be found on the Continent. It will I fear be difficult intirely to drop Ward. If he is superceeded by Washington and posted at Cambridge with him, and General Thomas &c. at Roxbury I cannot but think we shall be in a Good situation provided it is timely effected.

General Lee must be provided for and heartily engaged in the service without being Commissioned at present. He is a stranger and cannot have the Confidence of a Jealous people when strugling for their Liberty. He will soon become familiar and be courted into office, I revere him as an Officer and wish he had been born an American.

It affords Consolation that the Congress have or [are?] about taking Command of these Matters. We notice their Resolve in which the Army is Called the American Army. May the arrangement be happy and Satisfy each Colony as well as aford us good Generals.

Medicine is much wanted and Doctor Church has given us an Invoice of necessary Articles which we beg may be ordered here from Philadelphia as soon as possible. I notice what is said relative to powder, no Exertions has been wanting of in the Committee of Supplies since I have been acquainted with it, to procure this Article. Colo. Bower was depended on for 200 half Barrels and were disappointed, and the plan of fortifying lines with heavy Cannon was not then in Contemplation. We must hold our Country by Musketry principally untill supplies can be got to expel the Enemy. I rejoice to hear of the Flour ordered to the army. We have an Instance of the Humanity of the Enemy after they had obtained the Hill; not satisfied with burning the other part of Charlestown they proceeded to set Fire to Houses on the Road to Winter Hill.

The New hampshire and Connecticut Forces as well as the Massachusetts in the Heat of Battle suffered much. I suspect some of our [inferior?] Officers are wanting and one is under Arrest. We have lost Four pieces of Artillery and nothing more at present. We are in a worse situation than we shall in future Experience in many Instances, and great exertions are necessary. The Committee of Supplies, have a good share at present from sunrise to 12 at Night constantly employed for several Days but we have now a little abatement. Hall of Medford was excused from the Committee on Account of a Weak Constitution and the Congress Judiciously chose one of a strong Constitution to supply the place. Another Engagement is Hourly expected may the great controuler of Events order it for the Happiness of these Colonies. I have Just Received a Letter which puts it beyond Doubt that the Enemy have sustained a great Loss. Capt. Bradford is an Intelligent Man but whether the Loss is equal to 1000 I cannot say. I inclose you the Original itself. Complaint from all Quarters of Disorder in the Camp at Cambridge, that it is more like an unorganized Collection of People than a Disciplined army. I cannot rest on this precipice; and engaged as the Committee is shall find time to move this Day that a Committee of Observation be immediately chosen to enquire into and assist in and Rectify the Disorders of the Camp untill they shall subside. Good God that a Congress so vigilant should have chosen a lifeless F— for such an Important Trust. Will the Honorable Mr. Hancock assist the Committee in [having] the Invoice sent us forthwith. The notes of the Colony can be made as payment without delay. They Carry 6 per Cent Interest, are negotiable, and are received in all the Governments about us readily and without Hesitancy. The Committee of Supplies are greatly Obliged by his proposal relative to the Duck. Doctor Church proposes the Boston Donations for this Purpose since the Notes are equal with the Cash in this Colony. I am with the most Sincere respect, Gentlemen, your most Obedt. Sert.
Elbridge Gerry"^[104]

Joseph was commissioned a Major General on 21 June 1775 by the Provincial Congress, however the Continental Congress then absorbed the provincial forces around Boston and appointed George Washington as commander in chief. Because of the poor communications of the time the Congress in Philadelphia were unaware of Joseph's commission and therefore he was without an assignment. Washington arrived at Cambridge on 2 July and assumed command. Because of Congress' and Washington's restructuring of the officers, Joseph ceased to hold any official position in the army. On 22 July the General Court sent a letter to each of the officers who were affected by this turn of events: "This House approving of your Services in the Station you were appointed to in the Army by the Congress of this Colony- Embrace this opportunity to Express Their Sense of them, and at the Same time to desire your Continuance with the army if you Shall judge you can do it without Impropriety till the final determination of the Continental Congress Shall be known with regard to the appointment of Genl officers. We assure you that the Justice of this House will be Engaged to make you an adequate Compensation for your Services. We have such Intelligence as affords us Confidence to Suppose that a few Days will determine whether any such provisions shall be made for you as is consistent with your Honor to accept, and shall give you Encouragement to remain in the Service."^[105]

The Battle of Bunker Hill

"Ordered, That Colonel Lincoln, Mr. Pitts, and Mr. Lothrop, be a Committee to receive, sort, and count the votes for another Major-General.

Which Committee reported, that they had attended that service, and that Joseph Fry, esq., was chosen.

Ordered, That Mr. Phillips be appointed forthwith to wait on Colonel Fry to inform him of such choice, and to know if he will accept that trust”^[106]

Joseph remained on the staff of General Ward. Since there was no longer a Massachusetts army and he did not have a Continental commission, Joseph served in an advisory position to General Ward after he assumed command of the right wing of the army at Roxbury on 25 July.

On 26 July John Adams wrote to James Warren, speaker of the House requesting information on: "the Characters and biography of the officers in the Army. I want to be precisely informed when and where, and in what Station, General Ward has served, General Thomas, the two Fry's, Whitcomb, etc., and what Colonells we have in the Army and their Characters."(91)^[107] Joseph was asked to give an account of his service in the French wars so that his record could be presented to Congress.

On 3 Aug. Joseph sent a recommendation to the Council for commissions in the militia or the Continental Army for three men who had served during the last war.^[108]

General Preble arrived from Falmouth in mid summer and on 5 Aug. he stated: "In ye morning I waited on President Langdon... I then proceeded to Roxbury, met Gen'l Ward, who invited me to his Tent Quarters. I excused myself, and visited Gen'l Thomas. He received me very complaisantly and wrote a billet immediately to Gen'l Frye to come and dine with me at his table, which he did. We dined very agreeably..."^[109]

To John Adams from Joseph Frye, 25 August 1775
Roxbury Camp Augt. 25th 1775

Sir
I have taken leave to Send you Enclos’d herewith, a brief account of the Several Stations in which I have Serv’d my Country in a Military way—as a history of all occurrences and Personal Sufferings in that Service would have been too tedious for your Patience, I presum’d not to trouble you with it.1 Therefore Shall say no more here than that, any Notice you Shall please to take of me on your arival in the Continental Congress, will be gratefully Acknowledged by your Honrs. most Obedient and very Humble Servt.,
Joseph Frye

A brief Account of the Military Services of Joseph Frye In 1745 He was an Ensign of a Company in Colo. Robert Hales Regiment at the Reduction of Louisbourg.

In 1746, He was made a Lieutenant in Major Moses Titcombs Company in Brigr. General Waldo’s Regiment, design’d to Serve in an Expedition against Canada under the Command of General St. Clare [, Start insertion, Saint-Clair, End,]—but as the Expedition hung in Suspence, It was propos’d by the Government of Massachusetts-Bay, That said Regiment Should Serve in the defence of the Eastern Frontiers in Stead of Impress’d men, till called for to proceed to Canada. Agreeable to which, part of the Regiment went to Casco Bay, and was Employ’d in the Defence of that part of the Country, where the said Joseph did a large Share of the hardest of the Service, till news ariv’d from England that the Expedition was laid aside.

In 1747 He was made Captain of a Company for the Defence of the Eastern Frontiers and Posted at Scarborough for that Purpose, in which Service He continued till the Latter part of 1749 when that war ended.

In 1754 He was made Major of a Regiment Commanded by Majr. Genl. John Winslow, which was Sent to Kennebeck River, when the Regiment built Fort Halifax at the Falls in said River called Tauconnock, and before He return’d to Boston, was made a Lt. Colonel.

In 1755 an Expedition was form’d, to remove the French Encroachments in Nova Scotia. A Regiment (formed into two Battalions) was Sent from Boston for that Purpose. And as His Excellency Genl. Shirly, kept said Regiment under his own Command as Colonel—General Winslow went Lt. Colonel of the first Battalion and George Scot Esqr. Lt. Colonel of the Second Battalion, The said Joseph went first Major of the Second Battalion, and was at the Reduction of Fort Beausejour, Fort de gaspereau and other Services in that Country, and continued there for the defence of those Conquests thro’ the winter and Summer following, till the fall of the year 1756.

In the fall of the year 1756, as Soon as He ariv’d in Boston, He was made Colonel of a Regiment, held in Readiness to march at a minutes warning, to Reinforce the Troops at Lake George.

In 1757, He was made Colonel of a Regiment Consisting of eighteen hundred men, formed into Seventeen Companies, which was rais’d in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay for the Service on the western Frontiers, with which Regiment, He marched to Albany; from thence to Fort Edward where he lay with said Regiment and did Duty there under the Command of General Webb till the begining of August, when he was Sent with eight hundred and twenty three of them (Inclusive of Officers) to Fort William Henry, and the next morning after his arival there, Monsr. Montcalm arive’d with a Superior Force, laid Seige to the Place, and after Six Days and Seven nights’ Defence, were forced to Surrender; which was done by Capitulation, but it was barbarously violated by the French and Indians, which proved a very unhappy occurrence to the said Joseph, as the Regiment was thereby, tore to peices, and many of His Papers fell into the hands of the Enemy, it took the greatest part of his Time in the year 1758 to regain Such a State of the Regiment as that, in thepayment thereof, Justice might be done to the Public, and to Individuals. In 1759 He was made Colonel of a Regiment and Sent with it into Nova Scotia for the Defence of that Province, where he continued almost two years.

Finaly, on the 21st of June 1775, The Congress of the Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay, being Desireous of his Service in the Present unhappy war, gave Him a Major Generals’ Commission, and laid him under oath for the faithful discharge of his Duty agreeable to said Commission. In Pursuance whereof He entered upon his Duty and continued therein, till the Representatives of the Several Towns in said Colony, Assembled at Watertown, when that Assembly adopted what the Congress had done in that respect, and by Letter to the said Joseph, desired his Continuance in Camp, till the Continental Congress Should determine the affair with respect to Him."^[110]

Washington was trying to fill the vacant brigadier position. On 31 Aug. he wrote to John Hancock: "As the filling up the place of the vacant Brigadier General will be of the first Business of the Honble. Congress, I flatter myself it will not be deemed assuming to mention the names of two Gentlemen whose former Services Rank and Age may be thought worthy of attention on this occasion. Of the one I can speak from my own Knowledge of the other only from character, the former is Col John Armstrong of Pennsylvania..

The other Gentleman is Col Frye of Massachusetts Bay he entered into the Service as early as 1745, and rose through the different military ranks to that of Colonel, until last June, when he was appointed a Major General by the Congress of this Province; from these circumstances together with the favorable report made to me of him, I presume he sustained the Character of a good Officer, tho' I do not find it distinguished by any peculiar Service. Either of those Gentlemen or any other whom the Hon. Congress shall favor with the Appointment will be received by me with the utmost Deference and respect."^[111]

From George Washington to John Hancock, 31 August 1775
[Camp at Cambridge August 31. 1775]

Sir
The inclosed Letter came under s<uch> a Direction, & Circumstances as led me to supp<ose> it contained some interesting Advices, either respecting a Supply of Powder; or the Cloathing lately taken at Philadelphia: I therefore took the Liberty of breaking the Seal; for which I hope the Service & my Motives will apoligize. As the filling up the Place of vacant Brigadier General, will probably be of the first Business of the Honourable Congress: I flatter myself it will not be deemed assuming to mention the Names of two Gentlemen whose former Services, Rank, & Age may be thought worthy of Attention on this Occasion. Of the one I can speak from my own Knowledge, of the other only from Character. The former is Col. John Armstrong of Pennsylvania. He served during the last War in most of the Campaigns to the Southward, was honoured with the Command of the Pennsylvania Forces, and his general military Conduct, & Spirit much approved by all who served with him beside which, his Character was distinguished by an Enterprize against the Indians, which he plann’d with great Judgment, & executed with equal Courage, & Success. It was not till lately that I had Reason to beleive he would en<ter> again on publick Service, & it is now wholly unsolicited & unknown on his Part. The other Gentleman is Col. Fry of Massachusetts Bay. He entered into the Service as early as 1745, & rose thro’ the different military Ranks in the succeeding Wars, to that of Colonel, untill last June, when he was appointed a Major General by the Congress of this Province. From these Circumstances together with the favourable Report made to me of him I presume he sustained the Character of a good Officer—Tho’ I do not find it distinguished by any peculiar Service.

Either of these Gentlemen, or any other whom the Honourable Congress shall please to favour with this Appointment, will be received by me with the utmost Deference & Respect.

The late Adjournment having made it impractiable to know the Pleasure of the Congress as to the Appointment of Brigade Majors beyond the Number of three, which they were pleased to leave to me: And the Service not admitting of farther Delay, I have continued the other three, which I hope their Honours will not disapprove. These latter were recommended by the respective Corps to which they belong as the properest Persons for these Offices, untill farther Direction, & have discharged the Duty ever since. They are the Majors Box, Scammel & Samuel Brewer.

Last Saturday Night, we took Possession of a Hill considerably advanced beyond our former Lines—which brought on a very heavy Cannonade from Bunkers Hill; & afterwards a Bombardment which has been since kept up with little Spirit on their Part, or Damage on ours. The Work having been continued ever since, is now so advanced, & the Men so well covered as leave us under no Apprehensions of much farther Loss. In this Affair we had killed one Adjutant, one Volunteer & 2 privates. The Scarcity of Ammunition, does not admit of our availing ourselves of the Situation as we otherwise might do: But this Evil I hope will soon be remedied, as I have been informed of the Arrival of a large Quantity at New York; some at New London, & more hourly expected at different Places. I need not add to what I have already said on this Subject; our late Supply was very seasonable, but far short of our Necessities.

The late Adjournment of the Hon: Congress having been made before my Letter of the 4th Instt was received, I must now beg Leave to recall their Attention to those Parts of it which respect the Provision for the Winter, the Reduction of the Troops, the double Commissions under different Establishments & Col. Gridlys Appointment of Major General. In all which I hope to be honoured with their Commands as soon as possible.

The Advocate General has sent me a Memorial respecting his Service, which I have the Honour to inclose (No. 1). And from the Variety & Multiplicity of Duty in a new Army as well as his regular Service, & Attendance I am induced to recommend him to the farther Notice of the Honorable Congress.

The Treatment of our Officers Prisoners at Boston induced me to write to General Gage on that Subject, his Answer, & my Reply I have the Honour to lay before the Congress in the Inclosures—No. 2. 3. 4. Since which I have heard nothing from him. I remain with the greatest Respect & Regard, Sir, Your most obedt & very Hbble Servt
Go: Washington"^[112]

The appointment of a bridgadier general was deferred and with no provision for his remaining with the army Joseph left Roxbury on 12 Oct. and went to Andover where he stayed until Nov. He wrote "A brief account of the Military Services of Joseph Frye" for the Court as noted above.

On 30 Oct. General Ward wrote to John Adams at Philadelphia: "I wish General Frye might be provided for, I think him a good man for the service, and am very sorry he has not been provided for by the Continental Congress before this time."^[113]

To John Adams from Samuel Osgood, 23 October 1775:

"Without apologizing for interrupting you a short Moment I have to inform you that Genl. Frye not receiving any Intelligence respecting himself, and being informed that Genl. Washington had received Word from the Honorable Congress that the Appointment of another Brigadier was suspended for the present, he left us about the 10th of Octr. unable to account for his not having any particular Intelligence. But when he arriv’d at Cambridge the Mistery was partly unfolded by Mr. Mifflin who had, in a Letter received a Paragraph to this Purport “In Congress we have had some warm Words respecting a Brigadier General. A southern Gentleman was put up but did not obtain some of the southern Gentlemen themselves not voting for him,” from which Genl. Frye draws this Conclusion “that for Peace and Unitys sake our worthy Members would not push the Matter; after a short Suspension of the Affair a more favourable Moment might offer itself.” Thus it stands in Genl. Fryes Mind who doubts not your Inclination to serve him if it may be done consistent with his above Inference otherwise he desires it not.

The Army is in good Spirits and enjoys unusual Health: prospered and protected by Heaven as we have hitherto been can we but succeed when we have drawn the Sword from the purest Principles of Virtue, to defend the noblest of Causes? Forbid the Tho’t that we should sink and Tyranny be indomitable.

If the Cloud thikens with impenetrable Darkness we shall have the Pleasure to fight in the Shade.

New England is the Nusery of brave and hardy Men. She alone Stems the intended rapid Progress of our unnatural Enemy, as yet, and from the Specimen we have had of the Riffle Men I can but conclude she must do it. Genl. Lee wishes they were all in Boston. Genl. Gates says before we have any Action let the Rifle Men be removed to a Distance from the Camp. A Number of them have deserted and gone over to the Enemy.

With the Assistance of the Wealth of the southern Governments the continental Congress will long support in the Field a numerous and brave Army. I am not insensible, that not a Tory Province upon the Continent that has been by Appearance so tho’roughly contemned as ours. It is hard to see it trampled upon by her Sisters, when every Circumstance serves to corroborate the mental Evidence that not one of them all would have received the Shock and bore it with unshaken and unyielding Bravery as ours has done.

But Sir, the Cause we are engaged in peremptorily forbids all Jealousy which is the King Demon of all Tormentors. It is an indisputable Fact that our southern Brethren have not annexed the same Ideas to the Word Liberty as yet that we have neither have we annexed the same to the Words, Honor, Politeness and Dominion which has not a Tendency to make us the most cordial and unreserved Friends: But I hope all these Things will be winked out of Sight till Peace is established upon a solid Basis.

The famous Waters Machine from Connecticutt is every Day expected in Camp. It must unavoidably be a clumsy Business as its Weight is about a Tun. I wish it might succeed [and] the Ships be blown up beyond the Attraction of the Earth for it is the only Way or Chance they have of reaching St. Peters Gate.

I am, Sir, extremely sorry it was not in Genl. Wards Power to treat the Honorable Committee from Congress with those Marks of Friendship and Politeness which would have afforded him much Satisfaction. In not doing which he cannot be tho’t deficient. Very soon after their Arrival he had the Pleasure to wait upon them at the General’s and asked them separately and repeatedly to afford him an Opportunity of waiting upon them at Roxbury. Genl. Ward was again called to Cambridge before they had finished their Business and then told Genl. Washington that by his other Invitation he meant to have them dine with him and renewed the Request (Genl. Washington and Family also I suppose). His Excellency told Genl. Ward after the Business was finished he would give him Intelligence of it. The Day they had about compleated their affairs I was at his Excellency’s and heard him inform the Gentlemen that they were to dine with Gen. Ward the next Day. After this the Connecticutt Officers in Camp at Roxbury sent an Invitation to his Excellency and the Honorable Committee to dine with them upon Turtle the next Day. Compliments were returned and the Invitation accepted. Genl. Ward told Colo. Harrison and Mr. Lynch after they came to Roxbury he expected them to dine with him: they both told him they did not know but they were to dine with him till they had got to Roxbury. They took the Invitation to be the same. The next Day they were to set out upon their Journey.

I should be very unwilling to suppose that it was designed to place Genl. Ward in such a Light to the Honorable Committee as to make him appear deficient in Point of good Manners. These Affairs give no small Pain and Uneasiness. Was he sure the Conduct was pointed he would choose to Leave the Service. For before this his Tho’ts were employed upon the Subject of Resignation by Reason of his Ill state of Health. The Service is very Burthensome But especially the two or three first Months since which Genl. Ward has never enjoyed scarecly a tolerable State of Health and I fear it will Occasion his Resignation sooner or later doubt not but he then laid the Foundation for those consequent Disorders which will long trouble him. His Health would not permit him to tarry now was not the Cause the best that ever any Person was engaged in (Vizt.) that of preserving for himself and Family the civil and sacred Rights and Priviledges which God and Nature have bestowed upon him, and not only so but infinitely more, those of a Country extensive and formed to flourish, however it may be marked out for the Rod of Chastisment and Life and Property may be sported with as Objects of little or no Value. But an immutable Enemy to Tyrants and tyrannical Measures he is willing to Sacrifice his own Peace and Quiet and devote himself to sufferings that others may not after him inherit Chains and Slavery. I am Sir your most obedient Humble Servt.,
Samuel Osgood junr.

N.B. a Week after the Gentlemen arrived Genl. Ward received your Favor. His Ill State of Health will not permit him to write in Return therefor, is much obliged to you for it.

P.S. Pardon me I did not expect to write half so much. "^[114]

On 15 Nov. 1775 John Adams wrote to General Ward's aide, Samuel Osgood: "The true Cause why General Frie has not recd from me any particular Intelligence is that the Matter has been hitherto suspended, and I am under such Engagements of Secrecy that I could not in Honour acquaint him with any Thing that has pass'd in Congress.

As soon as I arrived in Philadelphia, I made it my Business to introduce General Fries Name and Character into Conversation in every private Company where it could be done with Propriety, and to make his long services and Experience known. But I found an Interest making in private Circles in Favour of Coll. Armstrong of Pensilvania, a Gentleman of Character and Experience in War, a Presbyterian in Religion, whose Name runs high for Piety, Virtue, and Valour. What has been done in Congress I must be excused from saying, but nothing in my Power has been omitted to promote the Wishes of our Colony or the Honour and Interest of General Frie. It is sufficient to say that nothing has as yet been determined. But it will be settled soon. And let it be decided as it may, every good American will acquiese in the Decision."^[115]

Joseph stayed in Andover during this time taking care of some private business. On 14 Nov. the Court chose Joseph to command the men at Falmouth who were to defend the coast after that town had been burned by the British: "That Joseph Frye be, and he hereby is appointed to take the command of the whole of the men stationed in the said County of Cumberland, for the defence of the sea-coast... and that he be empowered to order such intrenchments or fortifications to be erected at Falmouth, for their defence and protection, as he shall think absolutely necessary."^[116]

To George Washington from Samuel Freeman, 17 November 1775
"Falmouth [District of Maine] Novr 17. 1775

Sir
Being prevented by a sudden departure from Watertown, from waiting on your Excellency as I fully intended I think it proper, by way of Letter, to inform you that our General Court have appointed The Hon. Joseph Fry Esq. “to take the command of the Men station’d in the County of Cumberland, who were raised for the Defence of the Sea Coast until their further Orders; And have impower’d him upon any emergency to alarm and call together the Militia of the said County, or such part thereof as their safety may require, and then to discharge, as soon as the Service will admit—And to lead and conduct them and the other Forces, and with them to encounter, repel and resist by force of Arms, all and every Person or Persons that shall attempt the enterprize, destruction invasion or annoyance of—that Town & County. And to cause such Fortifications to be erected at Falmouth aforesaid and elsewhere as he shall judge necessary for their (our) defence.” This is all the Court have done at present.

Something more is absolutely necessary—So excellent an Harbour as that of Falmouth, it is of the greatest importance to secure—On the preservation of this Harbour depends in a great measure the safety of this whole Eastern Country, and shou’d our Enemies get Possession of it, I humbly think the whole Continent will suffer by the Loss—not only by the damage it will be to us, but by the advantages which they will thereby gain. I doubt not therefore a due attention will be given hereto, and I believe if a Number of Men were plac’d in a Garrison here, and an armed Vessel or two station’d to guard the Coast, it wou’d be an Expence well applied. I am unacquainted with Military Matters, but I think it a Duty incumbent on me to communicate my Mind, and if your Excellency thinks it proper I shou’d be glad this matter might be laid before the Continental Congress—However, I wou’d by no means pretend to dictate, but I hope some measures, wiser than I can propose, will be speedily adopted, to serve the general Interest. Coll[one]l Phiney I suppose will inform your Excellency of the present situation of Affairs here I will not therefore add but that I am with great respect Your Excellencys most obedient and very hume servant
Saml Freeman"^[117]

The commission was signed by James Otis Sr., President of the Council. Joseph settled his affairs and left Andover. He arrived on the 25th and used Rev. Samuel Deane's home next to the First Parish Church on Congress St.

James Sullivan of Biddeford, who was temporarily in command at Falmouth, wrote to the Court on 26 Nov.: "We much rejoice at the appointment of General Frye, who arrived here yesterday, and have the highest expectation, from his acknowledged ability and integrity, provided he was in such a situation as would render him active; but I am sorry to say the General Court has commanded him to fight with his hands bound. In his appointment over the Militia, he is confined to the County of Cumberland, and all his operations are limited to that place, while the County of York are as much interested in, and anxiously concerned for the defence of Falmouth-Neck, as the County of Cumberland... In his other department, as commander of two hundred and fifty sea-coast men, whose time expires within one month, he can do nothing to the purpose... Besides this, when he calls the Militia (and if they should obey him), he has no way to find them provision, or any authority to provide one single necessary for his formidable army."^[118]

In December Joseph wrote to the Council requesting more funds stating that the price of provisions had risen because of the shortage. Besides this the men's enlistments were going to expire. Fortunately the Court voted to raise 400 troops to defend Falmouth. There was also a shortage of housing for the men as most of the town had been destroyed by the British. Joseph wrote to Falmouth's representative in the Court, Samuel Freeman on 6 Jan.: "That Effectual Care must be taken to provide Barracks... That in making Provision for the Subsistence of those men, I hope Fire-wood will not be omitted... that Provisions of all kinds, which may be allow'd the men must be sent, except (perhaps) some Beef... I hope a Commissary & Quarter master will be appointed & vested with ample authority to Provide all the Necessaries."^[119]

Joseph's rank had never been officially established. He was referred to as "general" but not specifically what type. On 1 Jan. 1776 the Court made him officially a colonel but, he was still addressed as "general".

Joseph had command of five companies of men at Falmouth. One was posted at Cape Elizabeth, one at the Lower Battery (in the area of India St.), one at the Upper Battery (at Free St.), and two at the Magazine Battery near the County Court House and Jail (now Monument Square). Besides this, the men were working on "the Great Fort on the Hill" which was located in what is now Fort Sumner Park on Munjoy Hill.

"Upon a motion, Resolved, That this House will now come to the choice of some suitable person to take the command of the Soldiers stationed in the County of Cumberland, and to be intrusted with other powers for the safety of the said County.

Major Moody, Mr. Mills, and Mr. Story, were appointed to sort and count the votes; who, having attended the service, reported that General Joseph Frye was chosen. Whereupon, the House passed the following Resolve: Whereas it appears indispensably necessary that immediate assistance should he granted to the County of Cumberland, and particularly to the Town of Falmouth, in said County, at this time of distress: therefore,

Resolved, That General Joseph Frye be, and he hereby is appointed to take the command of the whole of the men stationed in the said County of Cumberland, for the defence of the sea-coast, till the further order of this Court; and tlhat he be empowered to order such intrenchments or fortifications to be erected at Falmouth, for their defence and protection, as he shall think absolutely necessary; and that he retain two of the said Companies generally at Falmouth, and, in case of any emergency, that he cause the Militia of said County, or any part thereof, to be alarmed and mustered, and, when mustered, to be under his command and direction, and to be by him discharged as soon as the service will admit.

And it is further Resolved, That Doctor Edward Russell deliver to the said General Frye the Powder and Arms he shall receive in consequence of the orders of this Court, to be by him used in defending and protecting the said County of Cumberland and Town of Falmouth, and annoying the enemy; he to be accountable to this Court for the same.

In Council, November 7, 1775: Read and non-concurred…

The Secretary came down with the following Message from the major part of the honourable Council:

"Council Chamber, November 7, 1775.
"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

"We have taken into consideration the two letters herewith sent, dated at Falmouth, the 2d of November, current; one from the Honourable Colonel Freeman, and the other from the Committee of that Town, purporting the distressed state of the inhabitants thereof, and the relief they need. For the special defence and safety of the Town ofFalmouth, and that vicinity, we have appointed Gen. Joseph Frye to take the command of the men stationed in the County of Cumberland who were raised tor the defence of the Sea-Coasts, until our further orders; and have empowered him, upon any emergency, to alarm and call together the Militia of the said County, or such part thereof as their safety may require, and them to discharge as soon as the service will admit; and to lead and conduct them and the other forces, and with them to resist, encounter, and repel, by force of arms, all and every person or persons who shall attempt the enterprise, destruction, invasion, or annoyance of the said Town and County; and to cause such fortifications to be erected at Falmouth aforesaid, and elsewhere, as he shall judge necessary for their defence.

"We earnestly recommend to you, gentlemen, to take into consideration, immediately, the very peculiar and distressing circumstances of the Town of Falmouth and the County aforesaid, and grant them such further relief as their necessities so evidently demand."

Read; and, upon a motion, Ordered, That Col. Porter go to the honourable Board, and inquire whether they have passed on a Resolve of this House, of the 4th of this instant, for appointing General Joseph Frye to take the command of the Soldiers stationed in the County of Cumberland, &c. Who reported, that he had delivered the message.

Joseph Palmer, Esquire, came down from the Council Board, and said that the Board had unanimously non-concurred the Resolve of the House of the 4th of this instant, appointing GeneralJoseph Frye to take the command of the whole of the men stationed in the County of Cumberland…
Thursday, November 9, 1775.

The Committee on the Message from the major part of the honourable Council, of the 7th instant, reported an Answer to the same, as follows:

May it please your Honours:
This House having received and duly considered your message of the 7th instant, relative to the full and ample powers with which you have attempted to vest General Joseph Frye, for the special defence of the Town of Falmouth and that vicinity, beg leave to observe to your Honours, that this House have before taken into their consideration the very peculiar and distressing circumstances of the Town of Falmouth, and the County of Cumberland, therein recommended, and made such provision, on our part, for their relief, as their necessities demanded, in the resolves passed and sent to your Honours for concurrence on the 4th instant. We shall be at all times ready to take such further measures, on our part, as shall appear necessary to succour and defend any part of this Colony, in such a way as is consistent with the present Constitution of this Colony, the security of the rights of our constituents, and the dignity of their Representatives.

Read and accepted; and Ordered, That Major Cross, Colonel Grout, Mr. Pitts, Captain Partridge, Mr. Story, Colonel Thayer, and Colonel Spaulding, be a Committee to wait upon the major part of the honourable Council with the same." ^[120]

SAMUEL FREEMAN TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
"Falmouth, November 17, 1775.

SIR: Being prevented, by a sudden departure from Watertown, from waiting on your Excellency, as I fully intended, I think it proper, by way of letter, to inform you that our General Court have appointed the Hon. Joseph Frye, Esq., "to take the command of the men stationed in the County ofCumberland, who were raised for the defence of the sea-coast, until their further orders; and have empowered him, upon any emergency, to alarm and call together the Militia of the said County, or such part thereof as their safety may require, and them to discharge as soon as the service will admit; and to lead and conduct them and the other forces, and with them to encounter, repel, and resist, by force of arms, all and every person or persons that shall attempt the surprise, destruction, invasion, or annoyance of this Town and County; and to cause such fortifications to be erected atFalmouth, aforesaid, and elsewhere, as he shall judge necessary for their [our] defence."

This is all the Court have done at present. Something more is absolutely necessary. So excellent an harbour as that of Falmouth it is of the greatest importance to secure. On the preservation of this harbour depends, in a great measure, the safety of this whole eastern country; and should our enemies get possession of it, I humbly think the whole Continent will suffer by the loss; not only by the damage it will be to us, but by the advantages which they will thereby gain. I doubt not, therefore, a due attention will be given hereto; and I believe if a number of men were placed in a garrison here, and an armed vessel or two stationed to guard the coast, it would be an expense well applied.

I am unacquainted with military matters, but I think it a duty incumbent on me to communicate my mind; and, if your Excellency thinks it proper, I should be glad this matter might be laid before the Continental Congress. However, I would by no means pretend to dictate; but I hope some measures, wiser than I can propose, will be speedily adopted to serve the general interest. Colonel Phinney, I suppose, will inform your Excellency of the present situation of affairs here. I will not therefore add, but that I am, with great respect, your Excellency' s most obedient and very humble servant,
SAMUEL FREEMAN.
To His Excellency General Washington." ^[121]

On 10 Jan. 1776 the Continental Congress elected Joseph as Brigadier General for the army in Massachusetts Bay and Benedict Arnold, Brigadier General for the army in the northern department:

"Wednesday, January 10, 1776.
A Letter from Rachel Stelle, with an account of expenses for the Subsistence of Officers, was laid before Congress, and read.

Ordered, That the same be referred to the Committee appointed on the Subsistence of Officers, &c.

Resolved, That the Commissioners for Indian Affairs, in the Northern Department, be directed to pay to the Rev. Mr. Wheelock 500 Dollars, agreeable to a Resolution of Congress, passed the 12th day of July last.

The Committee appointed to devise ways and means for furnishing the Battalions destined for Canada, brought in their Report, which was agreed to, and is as follows: That before the Battalion commanded by Colonel Bull can march for Canada, the following Officers ought to be appointed, to wit: Three First Lieutenants, eight Second Lieutenants, one Ensign; and one Quartermaster.

And the following articles provided, to wit: 688 Caps, 688 pair of Mittens, 688 pair of Stockings, 688 pair, of Leggins, 688 pair of Shoes, 688 Haversacks, 688 Slings for Firelocks, 1200 Shirts, 688 Waistcoats, 500 pair of Breeches, 300 Blankets, 64 Pitching-Axes, and 9 Baggage Wagons.

That before Colonel Maxwells Battalion will be fit to march to said Province, the following articles ought to be provided, to wit: 688 Haversacks, 688 Cartouch-Boxes and Cross-Belts, 688 Tomahawks, 64 Pitching-Axes, and 9 Baggage-Wagons.

That both Battalions should be paid up to the first day of February next.

That the Battalions should march by companies, and that they should follow each other at the distance of one day' s march; that the Quartermasters and Commissaries should precede their respective Battalions a few days, in order to provide lodgings and provisions on the road.

And that the Colonels should be allowed six rations.
The Lieutenant-Colonels, five;
The Majors, four;
The Captains, three;

And the Subaltern and Staff-Officers, two each, or money in lieu thereof.

Resolved, That it be recommended to the Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania, to supply the Pennsylvania Battalion with such of the above articles as they have not already furnished, agreeable to former Resolutions of Congress; and that all the articles furnished the men, more than those allowed in lieu of bounty, be deducted out of their pay.

That Thomas Lowrey be directed to provide the articles for the Second New-Jersey Battalion, and that all the articles furnished the men, more than those allowed in lieu of bounty, be deducted out of their pay.

Resolved, That an Order be drawn on the Treasurers in favour of Thomas Lowrey, for the sum of 35,000 Dollars, for the use of the Battalions raised in New-Jersey, he to be accountable for the same.

Agreeable to the Order of the Day, the Congress proceeded to the election of two Brigadier-Generals, and the ballots being taken and examined, Joseph Frye, Esq., was elected Brigadier-General for the Army in the Massachusetts-Bay, Benedict Arnold, Esq., Brigadier-General for the Army in the Northern Department.

The Committee of Safety having recommended a number of persons for Field-Officers for the Pennsylvania Battalion, the Congress proceeded to the election, and the ballots being taken,William Irvine was elected Colonel; Thomas Hartley, Lieutenant-Colonel; and James Dunlap, Major.

Resolved, That another Battalion be raised in the Colony of New-Jersey, on the same terms as the other two raised in said Colony.

Resolved, That the pay of the troops serving in, and destined for Canada, be the same as that of the Army at Cambridge; and that this pay commence to the Pennsylvania and New-Jersey Battalions from the time they set out on their march for Canada.

The Congress considering the great distance from Colonel Heard to Colonel Waterbury, the difficulty of cooperating with each other in their expedition into Queen' s County, on Long-Island, thereupon, Resolved, That Lord Stirling be desired to furnish Colonel Heard with three Companies under his command, who are to join Colonel Heard, with the Minute-Men by him raised, and proceed, as soon as may be, on the expedition into Queen' s County, for which Colonel Heard and Colonel Waterbury were appointed, and that Colonel Heard be desired immediately to send an Express to Colonel Waterbury, with a copy of this Resolution, and inform him that his service will not be required on this occasion.

Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed to take into consideration the state of these Colonies, and report as, soon as possible what number of Forces will be necessary for the defence of the same.

The Members chosen, Mr. Duane, Mr. Lynch, Mr. Hooper, Mr. E. Rutledge, and Mr. Wilson.

Resolved, That the Colony of North-Carolina be supplied with one ton of Powder by the Secret Committee. The Committee of Claims reported, that there is due, on Account rendered by the Committee of the Upper District of Frederick County, Maryland, the sum of 800.1 Dollars, of which a Captain Cresap' s Company ought to be charged £214 2s. 8d., [571 Dollars,] and Captain Price' s Company £29, [77 1/3 Dollars,] the remainder to be charged to the Continent, the money to be paid to Daniel Hester.

That there is due to Furman & Hunt, for Provisions, &c., furnished to Prisoners, the sum of 178.2 Dollars.

To William Shad, for his attendance as Doorkeeper, to the 4th of December, 1775, the sum of 52 Dollars. Ordered, That the said Accounts be paid.

Adjourned to ten o' clock, to-morrow."^[122]

To George Washington from Thomas Lynch, 16 January 1776
Philaa Jany 16. 1776
Dear Sir
I am happy to be at last able to write you that every thing you desired me to get done is accomplished, for the present. our President asures me he has sent you the determination of Congress concerning the Trial of Captures, Courts of Admiralty have been appointed in the Colony for that purpose. Colo. Frye has been appointed Brigadier in your Army (Mr Arnold preceeds him in that at Quebec) and I inclose Copies of the Resolutions for the direction of the Post Master, relative to Letters of Officers & Soldiers in our Service.

The delays in procuring the money has given me much concern, being sensible of the injury occasioned thereby to the Service, but the Calls for money from every Quarter, so far outrun the diligence of the Signers, that my reiterated solicitations coud get the sum no sooner. We have resolved to raise exclusive of your Army, in New Hampshire 1 Batn in Connecticut one in N. York one, in Jersey three, in Pensilvania five, in the lower Counties one, in Virginia six, in North Carolina three, & South Carolina three, in Georgia 1, & in Canada two, exclusive of Canadians 2 besides these, I have no doubt New York will have four more & Maryland two, which with the Regiments of Artillery will be 62 or 3 Battalions & the Expence not less than ten Millions of Dollars How quick a transfer of property from the Rich to the Poor, such an Expenditure must produce, you are well able to Judge. the Prospect is far from receiving light when ’tis considered how each Colony lavishes away its private Treasure at the same Time, or when we view the amazing and unaccountable supiness of all our Governments. Not a single [one] anywhere in civil Department, seems to consider himself as interested in public matters, unless he can get money by them. the Idea of all the Paper being mortgages on their private Estates is totally lost and forgotten.

In this State of things, I have, besides my Dependance on the Continuance of the Favour of Heaven, Trust in two Supports alone, the one, on your Vigorous Exertions, the other on the Weakness of our Enemies, shoud they lose footing in America this Winter, I shoud despise their thirty thousand Russians, scattered by Storms, arriving one Transport after another, fatigued & debilitated by the Fatal Effects of long Voyages, without a Spot to collect and recruit themselves for the Field & depending for every Necessary on Supplies from a Country 3000 Miles distant.

Do not the Speeches of the King and his Minister hold very different Language from those of the last year! America is no longer the abject cowardly and defenceless Wretch she was then, Now his Lordship woud have dispised had they not bravely supported their Rights, seems to approve their vigorous support of them & offers the terms of 1763: a Gentleman wel<l> known to Moyland, Ld Drummond just from Englan<d,> assures me, he will give much more. he tells me that he has had many Conversations with Ministry on the Subject & Shewed me a Paper approved by each of them & which he is sure will be supported in bot<h> Houses. The Substance of it is America to be declared free in point of Taxation & internal Police, Judges to be approvd by the Judges of England and commissioned during good Behaviour, upon Stated & sufficient Support be statedly assigned them by the Colonies, all Charters to be held Sacred, that of Boston restored, Britain to regulate Trade sub modo, all Duties laid for the purpose of Regulation be paid into the Colony Treasury where they arise, applicable to it’s uses by it’s own Legislature, in Lieu of which America shall, by Duties, on such Articles as will probably keep pace in it’s Consumption with the Rise or declention of the Colony, laid by each Legislature by permanent Act of Assembly, Grant towards the general Support of the Empire, annual Sums in proportion to £5000 Sterling for this Colony. As this sum is little more than half of what did arise by Duties heretofore paid in this place, I doubted his information, but was assured that Ministry wanted nothing but a Shew of Reve<nue> to hold up to Parliament, as they are affraid <to> propose Reconciliation, without saving what the stiff old Englishmen call the Honor of the Nation his Lordship came hither thro’ Hallifax, Boston & york, where I fancy he saw, what induced him to hint once or twice at beginning with a Suspention of Arms, to wh[ich] I turned a very deaf Ear, well knowing that the Season Winter is ours, and that much may be done by April next, I sincerely wish I had your sentiments on these heads, I shall propose them to the Consideration of Congress, as soon as the most urgent affairs are over I think the[y] merit it.

Congress has Ordered you 15 ton of Gun Powder from New York & we have Salt Petre enough here, to make 80 Ton more so that I hope we shall not soon want again, large Quantities are every day expected I beg youl make our Compliments to your Lady and to the rest of your Family and all my Friends. Dr Sir your most Obedt
Tho. Lynch

We have just heared from Charles Town that they have mounted on the Batteries there above 160 Cannon from 12 to 42 Pounders & 70 more in different parts of the Province that the Party raised by Kirkland & his Gang are totally suppressd, he is come but I have not yet seen him."^[123]

Joseph's election to this post created jealousy among the rivals for this position particularly Col. Armstrong: "The New England vacancy is filled up with a certain Mr. Frye who has not before been in the Continental Service, at which appointment our friend Coll. Thompson is much Chagrinned and has resigned the Service at least in that part of the country. I am sorry for the occasion of this warmth, as the tories are ready to catch up every occasion against New England in order to promote a division."^[124]

Joseph received a letter from Washington in early February telling him of his appointment. When Gen. Ward heard that Joseph was finally commissioned he wrote to John Hancock on 3 Feb.: "Am very glad to hear that Colo Frye is appointed A Brigadier General, doubt not he will do good & great Service for his Country."^[125]

Wednesday, February 14, 1776.
Present in Council: Honourables Benjamin Greenleaf, Walter Spooner, Caleb Cashing, Thomas Cushing, Jedediah Foster, James Prescott, Eldad Taylor, Benjamin Lincoln, Michael Parley, Samuel Holten, Jabez Fisher, Moses Gill, John Taylor, Benjamin White, Esquires… In the House of Representatives: Whereas the Honourable Joseph Frye, Esquire, who has been appointed by this Court to the command of the forces stationed at Falmouth, in the County ofCumberland, is appointed a Brigadier-General in the Continental Army; and as it may be necessary, in case of his accepting said trust, to have some other person appointed to the command at Falmouth, before the next sitting of this Court:

Therefore, Resolved, That the Council be, and hereby are empowered to appoint some person to such command at Falmouth, on their being certified, in the recess of the Court, that the said Joseph Frye, Esquire, has accepted the appointment to the office of Brigadier-General as aforesaid.
In Council: Read, and concurred."^[126]

"Wednesday, February 14, 1776…
Whereas, the Honourable Joseph Frye, Esquire, who has been appointed by this Court to the command of the forces stationed at Falmouth, in the County of Cumberland, is appointed Brigadier-General in the Continental Army, and as it may be necessary, in case of his accepting the said trust, to have some other person appointed to the command at Falmouth, before the next sitting of this Court:

Therefore, Resolved, That the Council be, and hereby are empowered to appoint some person to such command at Falmouth, on their being certified, in the recess of the Court, that the said Joseph Frye, Esquire, has accepted the appointment of the office of Brigadier-General, as aforesaid."^[127]

Joseph left Falmouth on 10 Feb. leaving Major Ilsley in command and went to Cambridge arriving on 15 Feb. On 16 Feb. Joseph was presented his commission by George Washington. The General Order stated:

"Head-Quarters, Cambridge, February 16, 1776
The Congress have been pleased to appoint Joseph Fry Esqr. a Brigadier General in the Continental Army; he is to be obeyed as such and his Excellency the General orders that he shall take the command of the vacant Brigade commonly called the Cambridge Brigade.

All the Regiments are immediately to be completed to twenty-four rounds of ammunition a man. The Colonel, or commanding officer of each, is to pass his receipt to the Commissary for the cartridges, or powder and lead necessary to do this, and to take receipts from their several Captains for the total quantity in each company; the Captains are to do the like from each of their men, who are to account satisfactorily for any load they have passed their receipt for, or pay four pence for each deficient. The Colonels, or commanding officers of Regiments, are to take especial care that this order is strictly complied with; that those fines are charged without fail to the delinquent soldiers, and credit given for them in making out the pay-abstracts. This order is to be read to, and impressed upon the minds of every man by their officers.

The General is surprised to find the Militia applying for cartouch-boxes and other accoutrements, when he had not a doubt but they would have come completely equipped. As the case, however, is otherwise, he directs that they should be served with powder-horns and shot-pouches, in lieu of cartouch-boxes, and that every thing which is delivered to them be charged to the Regiment that received it, that it may be redelivered, or paid for at the expiration of the term for which they stand engaged, and to this the Quartermaster-General and Commissary of Stores, are to give particular attention without further direction upon this head.

The intrenching tools of every kind, are to be carefully looked up, and put in good order; the Quartermaster-General is to give proper directions upon this head. No time is to be lost in the doing of it.

To prevent any mistakes, or impositions in the purchasing of arms, the Colonels are immediately to have the several arms, belonging to their respective Regiments, branded with the number of the Regiment, or stamped and marked in such a manner as they may be known.

Colonel Knox is to report the exact number of cannon cartridges, which are filled and ready for use, specifying the sorts and sizes."^[128]

Joseph's brigade consisted of four regiments. The 14th Continental Regiment, commanded by Col. John Glover, was posted at Beverly to protect that harbor and was known for their boat handling skills (they were the men who escorted Washington across the Delaware River the following Christmas). Two other regiments from Massachusetts and one from Connecticut were posted around Cambridge commanded by Col. John Paterson, Col. Israel Hutchinson, and Lt. Col. John Durkee.

Preparations were being made to move against the British in Boston and Charlestown. Col. Henry Knox had retrieved 60 cannon from Ticonderoga and these were being placed around Boston particularly at Dorchester Heights. Washington had about 14,000 men fit for duty whereas Howe had only 8900 including sick and wounded.

The enemy's attention was to be diverted by a heavy bombardment for three nights. During this time men and material was to be secretly moved to Dorchester Heights, concealed behind bales of hay placed along Dorchester Neck. On the third night Gen. Thomas would take 2000 men, tools, and material to the proposed fortifications. At 0300 this force would be relieved by a fresh force of 3000 men. If the British attacked the Heights, Washington ordered that Gen. Putnam and 4000 men would attack the west side of Boston by boat.

"Genl. Heath's, Sullivan's, Green's and Fry's brigades are in rotation, to march a Regiment, an hour before day, every morning into the works on Letchmores point and Cobble Hill... they are to remain in the works until sunrise."^[129]

The bombardment began on 2 Mar., continued on 3 Mar. and on the 4th Thomas and his men constructed the forts on the Heights. On the 5th the British awoke to this formidable battery on the hill which they could not reach with their guns. They were going to storm the Heights but, because of the weather and the fact that this action would be too costly, Gen. Howe decided to evacuate Boston.

To John Adams from Joseph Frye, 4 March 1776
March 4th: 1776

"Sir
Capt. Gordon Hutchins the bearer hereof, being a Man of Experience in Military Service, the late war with France, had a Company the last year in the Continental Army, and is very desireous of entering the Same Service again. I therefore take leave to recommend Him to you for that Purpose, if there Should be any room for His admittance. If that Should be the Case, and your Honour Should please to afford Him your Countenance in the affair, I trust it will be of Service to the Cause we are Engaged in, and will be received as a favour By your Honrs: most obedient Humble Servt. Joseph Frye"^[130]

On 8 Mar. Washington received a letter from the Boston Selectmen informing him that the British were going to evacuate the town and would not destroy it if they would not molest them during their departure. During this time Joseph was suffering from rhumatism and this prompted Washington to write to Joseph Reed, a member of Congress, on 7 Mar.: "The bringing Colonel Armstrong into this army as major-general, however great his merit, would introduce much confusion. Thomas, if no more, would surely quit, and I believe him a good man. If Thomas supplies the place of Lee, there will be a vacancy for either Armstrong or Thompson, for I have heard of no other valiant son of New England waiting promotion, since the advancement of Frye, who has not, and I doubt will not, do much service to the cause; at present he keeps his room, and talks learnedly of emetics, cathartics, & c. For my own part, I see nothing but a declining life that matters him.":

From George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed, 26 February–9 March 1776
Cambridge 26th Feby[-9 March] 1776

Dear Sir,
A Line or two from you by Colo. Bull, which came to hand last Evening, is the only Letter I have receivd from you since the 21st of Jany—this added to my getting none from any other Corrispondant to the Southward, leads me to apprehend some miscarriage. I am to observe thô that the Saturday’s Post is not yet arrived—by that I may, possibly, get Letters.

We have, under as many difficulties perhaps (on Acct of hard frozen ground) as ever working Parties Ingaged, compleated our Work on Litchmores point—we have got some heavy pieces of Ordnance placed there—two Platforms fixed for Mortars, and every thing, but the thing, ready for any offensive operation—Strong Guards are now Mounted there, and at Cobble Hill. About ten days ago the severe freezing Weather formed some pretty strong Ice from Dorchester to Boston Neck, and from Roxbury to the Common—this I thought (knowing the Ice could not last) a favourable oppertunity to make an Assault upon the Troops in Town—I proposed it in Council;3but behold! though we had been waiting all the year for this favourable Event, the enterprize was thought too dangerous! perhaps it was—perhaps the irksomeness of my Situation led me to undertake more than could be warranted by prudence—I did not think so, and am sure, yet, that the Enterprize, if it had been undertaken with resolution must have succeeded; without it, any would fail; but it is now at an end, and I am preparing to take Post on Dorchester to try if the Enemy will be so kind as to come out to us. Ten Regiments of Militia you must know had come in to strengthen my hands for Offensive Measures—but what I have hear said respective the determinations in Council & possessing of Dorchester Point is spoken under the rose.

March 3d 1776. The foregoing was intended for another Conveyance, but being hurried with some other matters, & not able to compleat it, it was delayed; since which your favours of the 28th Jany and first & 8th of Feby are come to hand.4 for the agreeable Accts containd in one of them, of your progress in the Manufacture of Powder, & prospect of getting Arms, I am obliged to you; as there is some consolation in knowing that these useful Articles will supply the Wants of some part of the Continental Troops, although I feel too sensibly, the Mortification of havg them with-held from me—Congress not even thinking it necessary to take the least notice of my application for these things.

I hope in a few Nights to be in readiness to take Post on Dorchester as we are using every means in our power to provide materials for this purpose, the Ground being so hard froze yet, that we cannot Intrench, & therefore are obliged to depend entirely upon Chandaliers, Fascines, & screwd Hay for our Redoubts. It is expected that this Work will bring on an Action between the King’s Troops and ours.

General Lees expedition to New York was founded upon indubitable evidence of Genl Clintons being on the point of Sailing—no place so likely for his destination as New York, nor no place where a more Capitol blow could be given to the Interests of America than there; common prudence therefore dictated the necessity of preventing an Evil which might have prov’d irremediable had it happend; but I confess to you honestly, I had no Idea of running the Continent to the expence which was Incurr’d—or that such a body of Troops would go from Connecticut as did, or be rais’d upon the terms they were. You must know my good Sir, that a Captn Sears was here with some other Gentlemen of Connecticut when the Intelligence of Clinton’s Imbarkation (at least the Imbarkation of the Troops) came to hand—the situation of these Lines would not afford a detachment—New York could not be depended upon—and of the Troops in Jersey we had no certain Information either of their Numbers or destination; What then was to be done? Why, Sears and these other Gentlemen assured me that if the necessity of the case was signified by me & that General Lee should be sent One thousand Voluntiers (requiring no pay but) supplied with provisions only, would March immediately to New York & defend the place till Congress could determine what should be done, & that a Line from me to Govr Trumbull to obtain his Sanction would facilitate the measure—this I accordingly wrote in precise terms intending that these Volunteers, and such of the Jersey Regiments as could be speedily assembled, should be thrown into the City for its defence and for disarming the Tories upon Long Island who I understood had become extreamely insolent and daring, when behold! instead of Volunteers consisting of Gentlemen without pay, the Govr directed Men to be voluntarily enlisted for this Service upon Continental pay and allowance. this you will observe was contrary to my expectation and Plan—yet as I thought it a matter of the last Importance to secure the Com[municatio]n of the North River, I did not think it expedient to countermand the raising of the Con[tinenta]l Regiments on Acct of the pay. if I have done wrong, those Members of Congress who think the matter ought to have been left to them must consider my proceedings as an error of judgment, and that a measure is not always to be judged of by the Even<t>—It is moreover worthy of consideration that in cases of extreme necessity (as the present) nothing but decission can Insure success and certain I am that Clinton had something more in view by peeping into New York than to gratifie his curiosity or make a friendly visit to his friend Mr Tryon—however, I am not fond of stretching my powers; and if the Congress will say thus far—& no farther you shall go, I will promise not to offend whilst I continue in their Service.

I observe what you say in respect to my Waggon &ca. I wanted nothing more than a light travelling Waggon (such as those of Jersey) with a secure cover, which might be under Lock and Key—the hinges being on one side the lock on the other—I have no copy of the Memorandum of the Articles I desired you to provide for me, but think 1½ dozn of Camp Stools—a folding Table, rather two—Plates & Dishes, were among them; what I meant therefore was, that the Bed of this Waggon shoud be constructed in such a manner as to stow these things to the best advantage—If you cannot get them with you I shall despair of providing them here as Workmen are scarce and most exorbitantly high in their charges. What I should aim at, is, when the Waggon & things are ready (which ought to be very soon, as I do not know how soon we may beat a March) to buy a pair of clever Horses, same colo<r,> hire a careful driver and let the whole come of at once; and then they are read<y> for immediate Service, I have no doubt but that the Treasury, by application to Mr Hancock, will direct payment thereof without any kind of difficulty as Congress must be sensible that I cannot take the field without Equipage & after I have once got into a Tent I shall not soon quit it.

March 7th. The Rumpus, which every body expected to see between the Ministerialists in Boston and our Troops has detain’d the bearer till this time. On Monday Night, I took possession of the Heights of Dorchester with two thousand Men under the Command of General Thomas—previous to this, and in order to divert the Enemy’s attention from the real object & to harrass we began on Saturday Night a Canonade and Bombardment which with Intervals was continued through the Night. the same on Sunday—and on Monday a Continued Roar from Seven Oclock till day light was kept up between the Enemy and us. In this time we had an Officer and one private killed & 4 or 5 Wounded—and through the Ignorance I suppose of Our Artillery men burst 5 Mortars (two 13 Inch & 3 ten Inch) the Congress one of them. What damage the Enemy has sustained is not known as there has not been a creature out of Boston since. The Canonade &ca except in the destruction of the Mortars answerd our expectation fully; for though we had upwards of 300 teams in motion at the same Instant carrying on our Fascines & other Materials to the Neck & the Moon Shining in its full lustre we were not discoverd till day light on Tuesday Morning.

So soon as we were discoverd every thing seem’d to be preparing for an Attack, but the tide failing before they were ready about One thousand only were able to Imbark in Six transports in the Afternoon and these falling down towards the Castle were drove on Shore by a violent storm which arose in the Afternoon of that day & continued threw the Night. Since that they have been seen returning to Boston—and whether from an apprehension that our Works are now too formidable to make any Impression on, or from what other causes I know not, but their hostile appearances have subsided & they are removing their Ammuniti<on> out of their Magazine whether with a view to move Bag & Baggage or not I cannot undertake to say—but if we had Powder (and our Mortars replaced, which I am about to do by new cast ones as soon as possible) I would, so soon as we were sufficiently strengthened on the Heights, to take possession of the point just opposite to Boston Neck give them a dose they would not well like.

We had prepared Boats, a Detachment of 4000 men &ca &ca for pushing in to the West part of Boston if they had made any formidable attack upon Dorchester. I will not lament or repine at any Act of Providence because I am in a great measure a convert to Mr Popes opinion that whatever is, is right, but I think every thing had the appearance of a successful Issue if we had come to an Ingagement on that day. It was the 5th of March which I recalled to their remembrance as a day never to be forgotten—an Ingagement was fully expected—& I never saw spirits higher, or more ardour prevailing.

Your favour of the 18th Ulto came to my hands by Post, last Night, and gives me much pleasure, as I am led to hope I shall see you of my Family again. the terms upon which you come will be perfectly agreeable to me. and I should think you neither candid or friendly, if your communications on this subject had not been free, unreserved—and divested of that false kind of Modesty which too often prevent[s] the illucidation of points important to be known.

Mr Baylor seeming to have an Inclination to go into the Artillery & Colo. Knox desirous of it, I have appointed Mr Moylan and Mr Palfrey my Aid de Camps so that I shall, if you come, have a good many Writers about me. I think my Countrymen made a Capitol mistake when they took Henry out of the Senate to place him in the Field; and pity it is he does not see this, and remove every difficulty by a voluntary resignation. I am of opinion that Colo. Armstrong (if he retains his health—spirits—& vigour) wd be as fit a person as any they could send to Virginia, as he is Senior Officer to any now there, and I should think could give no offence; but to place Colo. Thompson there in the first Command, would throw every thing into the utmost confusion—for it was by mere chance he became a Colonel upon this Expedition, & by greater chance he became first Colo. in this Army; to take him then from another Colony, place him over the heads of several Gentlemen under, or with whom, he has served in a low, & subordinate Character, would never answer any other purpose but that of introducing endless confusion. Such a thing surely cannot be in contemplation—& knowing the Mischiefs it Would produce surely Colonel Thompson would have more Sense, and a greater regard for the cause he is engaged in, than to accept of it, unless some uncommon abilities or exertions had given him a superior claim. He must know, that nothing more than being a Captn of Horse in the year 1759 (I think it was) did very extraordinarily give him the Start he now has, when the Rank was settled here—at the same time he must know another fact, that several Officers now in the Virginia Service were much his superiors in point of Rank, & will not I am sure serve under him. He stands first Colonel here and may, I presume, put in a very good, & proper claim to the first Brigade that falls vacant. but I hope more regard will be paid to the Service than to send him to Virginia—The bringing of Colo. Armstrong into this Army as Major General, however great his merit, would introduce much confusion—Thomas if no more would surely quit & I beleive him to be a good man. If Thomas supplies the place of Lee there will be a vacancy for either Armstrong or Thompson for I have heard of no other valiant Son of New England waiting promotion since the advancement of Fry who has not, and I doubt will not, do much Service to the cause—at present he keeps his Room, & talks learnedly of Emeticks Catharticks &ca. For my own part I see nothing but a declining life that matters him.

I am sorry to hear of your Ill fated Fleet. We had it, I suppose because we wished it, that Hopkins had taken Clinton & his Transports—How glorious would this have been! We have the Proverb of our side however—that a bad beginning will end Well. this applies to Land & Sea Service. The Acct given of the business of the Commissioners from England seems to be of a piece with Lord Norths Conciliatory Motion last year—built upon the same foundation, and if true, that they are to be divided among the Colonies to offer terms of Pardon, is as insulting as that motion; and only designed after stopping all Intercourse with us to set us to view in great Britain as a people that will not hearken to any propositions of Peace. was there ever any thing more absurd, than to repeal the very Acts that have Introduced all this confusion and bloodshed & at the sametime enact a Law to restrain all Intercourse with the Colonies for opposing them. The drift and design is obvious, but is it possible that any Sensible nation upon Earth can be Imposed upon by such a cob-web Scheme, or gauze covering? But enough, or else upon a subject so copious I should enter upon my fifth Sheet of Paper. I have, if length of Letter will do it, already made you ample amends for the Silence which my hurry in preparing for what I hoped would be a decissive stroke obliged me to keep. My best respects to Mrs Reed, in which Mrs Washington joins concludes me Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt and Affecte Servt
Go: Washington" ^[131]

Reed replied on the 15th: "Poor Frye! Heaven and earth was moved to get him in- he was everything that was great and wonderful; now, I suppose we shall hear no more of him.":

To George Washington from Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed, 15 March 1776
Philad: March 15. 1776

My dear General
This Morning your Express arrived with an Account of the interesting Events which have taken Place since this Month began. I beg leave to congratulate you on Appearances so favourable to the Interests of our Country & your own Character. Not that in my Opinion it was the least clouded by your Inactivity as the Causes were well known, but it is certain that Enterprize & Success give a Brilliance & Lustre which cannot be unacceptable to a good Mind. We shall be very anxious for farther Accounts as these have left you at a critical Period of Suspence when we are led to expect some very important Change may soon happen.

I shall be careful of your confidential Account of your Council of War—I wish the Event may prove me mistaken but I am strongly possessed with an Idea that some Members of your Council never will concur in any Measure which leads to Danger, & I think you will make less & less Use of them in that Way every Day you are with them. Thomas I presume you know is made a Major Genl & ordered to Canada where old Wooster was throwing every Thing into Confusion & a superior Officer was necessary to keep the Peace. I don’t much like their thus taking away the Men in whom you may most trust but your Camp is considered as a School, & I fear the Service will require all their separated Attention & Ability. I wrote you before that Genl Lee was ordered to Virginia, Armstrong to South Carolina Thompson to New York. We have every Thing to fear from the Southward a cursed Spirit of Disaffection has appeared in the back Parts of North & South Carolina which if not subdued before the Forces arrive from England will prove a most formidabl<e> piece of Business especially when connected with the Hosts of Negroes in the lower Part of the Country—Instead of painting their Strength & Power of Resistance in ostentatious Terms as is the Fashion of some Folks, the Gentlemen of that Country acknowledge their Weak<ness> & dread the Consequences. I am really concerned for old Armstrong I think the Climate will destroy him.

You have had much Reason to think the Congress neg<lec>t your Camp in the Article of Ammunition, but I hope by the Time this reaches you—Ten Tons of our last Importation will be in your Camp—the Vessel brought but 300 Stand of Arms, but they are the best yet imported.

If Howe should leave Boston we expect he will make for New York, & at all Events we look upon that as one of the Scenes of the Summer Business: in the former Case I find it supposed you will move Southward—By General Lee’s Account no Dependence is to be put on their Professions & the late Delegation from Congress came back with a very slender opinion of their Conduct which is timid and trimming to the greatest Degree.4 I am glad you have informed me how the Matter stood with the Connecticut Men;5 I had no Doubt but the step you took was founded upon Necessity which would justify the directing Troops to be r<a>isd, but I found it gave an Alarm to some Folks, & I believe I hinted it in a former Letter but your State must & I doubt not has given perfect Satisfaction. I have thought it a Duty I owe you to mention any Thing of this kind occurring as your Distance might otherwise prevent a suitable Explanation.

Most of your Camp Equipage will be completed this Week or the Beginning of next—I shall obey your Commands with Respect to the Waggon & Horses—there will be no Difficulty about the Money should the Treasurer here have any Scruples—as I shall advance it & we can settle that when we meet. I had ordered the Tables & several other Things which appeared to me be necessary tho not in your Order—I hope when you see them they will prove agreeable I have consulted Oeconomy as much as I thought consistent with your Rank & Station. Most of our Workmen are such Strangers to these Things that they are very slow & tedious two of the Tents are finished & the other just completed. I am never happier than when I am on your Business so that you may depend upon it that I shall spare no Pains to have them done in the best Manner, & forwarded with the greatest Expedition. The Destruction of the Mortars is very extraordinary, there certainly must be some Want of Skill in the Management of them.

I suppose old Putt was to command the Detachment intended for Boston on the 5th Inst.—as I do not know any Officer but himself who could have been depended on for so hazardous a Service7—Should Howe decamp, I cannot say I should much regret that Day’s passing over so quietly, as if the Troops had behaved well there would have been a great Loss & if ill it would have ruined your whole Plan.

We have some Accounts from Virginia that Col. Henry has resigned in Disgust at not being made a General Officer—but it rather <gives> Satisfaction than otherwise as his Abilities seem bett<er> calculated for the Senate than the Field.8 We have no very late Accts from thence. A Man of War & some Tenders lately were up to Baltimore & gave them an Alarm which drove all their Women Children & valuable Effects out of Town but we have heard nothing since—Poor Fry—Heaven & Earth was moved to get him in—he was every Thing that was great & wonderful, now I suppose we shall hear no more of him.

Not a Syllable yet from our Fleet it is 4 Weeks tomorrow since they left our Capes—Should they fall in with the 12 Men of War conveying the Transports to Virginia it is all over with them—& we think there is very great Danger of it. My next must certainly give some Intelligence.11 Now for our own News. The Packet arrived last Week at New York & in her came Passenger Mr Robert Temple (Owner of the late beautiful Farm) below our Lines he came to Town last Night; the Report is that in Papers under his Buttons he has brought a Letter from Arthur Lee advising that the Commissioners were coming out instructed to settle the Dispute to get from us as much as they can, but if Peace cannot be had on their Terms to make it on ours. I mention it to you as a Report for to me it seems so inconsistent with all that we have seen & heard that I do not believe a Word of it. I shall get more certain Intelligence soon of his Business & it shall make a Part of my next Letter.12 We every Moment expect to hear of these Gentrys Arrival—they are if possible to treat with the Assemblies but if that cannot be obtained then with Congress. A little Time will shew what we are to expect from this new Project. For my Part I can see nothing to be hoped from it but it <has> laid <fast> hold of som<e here> & made its Impress<ion> on the Congr<ess.> It is said the Virginians are so alarmed with the Idea of Independence that they have sent Mr Braxton on Purpose to turn the Vote of that Colony, if any Question on that Subject should come before Congress. To tell you the Truth my dear Sir, I am infinitely more afraid of these Commissioners than their Generals & Armies—If their Propositions are plausible & Behaviour artful I am apprehensive they will divide us—there is so much Suspicion in Congress & so much Party on this Subject, that very little more Fuel is required to kindle the Flame. It is high Time for the Colonies to begin a gradual Change of Delegates —private Pique Prejudice & Suspicion will make its Way into the Breasts of even good Men sitting long in such a Council as ours, & whenever that is the Case their Deliberations will be disturbed & the publick Interest of course suffer. We have made a very great Change in the Councils of this Province & I hope a favourable one for the Common Cause having introduced 17 new Members at once into the House of Assembly, the Increase of Representation is in those Parts of the Province where the Spirit of Liberty most prevails & of Consequence our Measures will partake of it.

We have had a Vessel Load of Linnens on Acct of Congress arrived within these few Days past but I do not hear a Word of Tents—what our Army is expected to do without them I cannot conceive.

Ld Stirling has stopp’d some of our Troops bound to Canada as it is not possible to keep the Connecticut People beyond their own Time—Genl Lee with great difficulty induced some of them to prolong their Stay 2 Weeks which I believe was more than could be done with you.

Mr Deane of Connecticut is gone to Europe his Errand may be guessed tho little is said about it.15 The french Vessels begin to find their Way to our Ports two or three having come in this Spring, but their Cargoes are chiefly West India Goods—a litt<le> very little Powder merely as a Cover.

Since writing the above I have conversed with some Gentlemen who have seen Mr Temple—I find he only bring two Letters wrote by Dr Lee to himself & that his Information of the Powers of the Commissioners is not built on any certain Authority but rather his own Conjectures. He says the Ministry are resolved on Peace if to be had—they are willing to treat with Congress but the King would not hear of it. The Difficulty of recruiting is very great in England Scotland & Ireland—scarce a Man more to be had on any Terms.16 I send you a Morning Paper containing the current News. My respectful Complimts with Mrs R<eed’s> to Mrs Washington—& am Dr Sir Most sin[c]erely & Affect. Yours "^[132]

The British evacuated Boston on the 17th and the American troops entered the town. Realizing that his health would not allow him to continue in his position, Joseph sent his resignation to Washington on the 18th only four and a half weeks after he had arrived:

"Camp in Cambridge, March 18, 1776

SIR: The Ministerial Troops having (yesterday) taken their departure from Boston, will, I presume, occasion the removal of the Continental Army to some distant part of the Continent. And as I find myself in such an infirm state of health as renders me unable to bear the fatiggue of such march as that manoeuvre will require, I cannot think it laudable to continue in the Army and pay of the Continent, without being able to merit the pay by my service; therefore take leave to desire I may resign the command in the Army I have been honoured with. And as I am at present unable to travel, and being one hundred and forty miles from my family, I take leave, also, to request that my resignation may take place the 11th day of April next.
I am your Excellency' s most obedient humble servant,
JOSEPH FRYE.
To His Excellency General Washington."^[133]

Gen. Frye's Letter of Resignation to Gen. Washington

From George Washington to John Hancock, 24 March 1776
Cambridge March 24. 1776

"Sir
When I had the honor to address you the 19th Instt upon the evacuation of the Town of Boston by the Ministerial army, I fully expected as their retreat and embarkation were hurried and precipitate, that before now they wou’d have departed the harbour, and been far in their passage to the place of destination: But to my surprize and disappointment the Fleet is still in Nantasket road. The purpose inducing their stay, is altogether unknown, nor can I suggest any satisfactory reason for It;1 On Wednesday night last before the whole of the Fleet fell down to Nantasket, they demolished the Castle & Houses belonging to It by burning them down, and the several Fortifications—they left a great number of the Cannon, but have rendered all of them, except a very few, entirely useless by breaking off the Trunnions, and those they spiked up, but may be made serviceable again; some are allready done.

There are several Vessels in the Docks which were taken by the Enemy, some with, and others without Cargoes, which different persons claim as their property and right—are they to be restored to the former owners on making proof of their title, or to belong to the Continent as Captures made from the Enemy? I wish Congress wou’d direct a mode of proceeding against them and establish a Rule for decision, they appear to me to be highly necessary. In like manner some of the Cannon which are in Boston are said to have come from the Castle—Supposing them with those remaining at the Castle to have been purchased by & provided originally at the expence of this Province, are they now to be considered as belonging to It, or to the publick? I beg leave to refer the matter to the opinion of Congress and pray their direction how I am to conduct respecting ’em.

It having been suggested to me that there was considerable property &c. belonging to persons who had from the first of the present unhappy contest manifested an unfriendly & invetarate disposition, in the Town of Boston, I thought it prudent to write to the Honourable General Court upon the subject, that It might be inquired after & secured, a Copy of the Letter I herewith send you,4 and submit It to Congress thro you, whether they will not determine how It is to be disposed of, & as to the appropriation of the money arising from the sale of the same.

As soon as the Town was abandon’d by the Enemy, I judged It advisable to secure the several heights lest they shou’d attempt to return, and for this purpose have caused a large & strong work to be thrown up on Fort Hill, a post of great importance as It commands the whole Harbour and when fortified, If properly supported, will greatly annoy any Fleet the Enemy may send against the Town, & render the landing of their Troops exceedingly difficult, If not Impracticable—This work is almost done & in a little time will be compleat—And that the communication between the Town & Country may be free & open, I have ordered all the Lines upon the Neck to be immediately destroyed, and the other works on the sides of the Town facing the Country, that the Inhabitants from the latter may not be Impeded, and afforded an easy entrance in case the Enemy shou’d gain possession at any future time5—These matters I conceived to be within the Line of my duty, of which I advised the Genl Court, and recommended to their attention such other measures as they might think necessary for securing the Town against the Hostile designs of the Enemy.

I have just got an Inventory of Stores and property belonging to the Crown, which the Enemy left in Boston at the Castle & Bunker Hill, which I have the honor to transmit you,6 and shall give strict orders that a carefull attention be had to any more that may be found—I shall take such precautions respecting ’em, that they may be secure, and turn to the public advantage as much as possible or circumstances will admit of.

A Mr Bulfinch from Boston, who acted as Clerk to Mr [ ], having put into my Hands a List of Rations drawn the Saturday before the Troops evacuated the Town, I have inclosed It for your inspection—he says neither the Staff Officers or Women are Included in the List; From which It appears that their number was greater than we had an Idea of.

Major General Ward & Brigadier General Frye are desirous of leaving the service and for that purpose have requested me to lay the matter before Congress, that they may be allowed to resign their Commissions—The papers containing their applications you will herewith receive—they will give you full and a more particular Information upon the Subject, and therefore shall take the liberty of referring you to them. I wou’d mention to Congress, that the Commissary of Artillery Stores has Informed me, that whatever powder has been sent to this Camp, has always come without any Bill ascertaining the number of Casks or Quantity—This It is probable has proceeded from forgetfulness or inattention in the persons appointed to send It, or to the negligence of those who brought It, tho they have declared otherwise and that they never had any; As It may prevent in some measure embezzlements, (tho I do not suspect any to have been made) and the Commissary will know what & how much to receive, and be enabled to discover mistakes If any shou’d happen, I shall be glad If you will direct a Bill of Parcells to be always sent in future.

There have been so many accounts from England all agreeing that Commissioners are coming to America to propose terms for an accomodation as they say, that I am Inclined to think the time of their arrival not very far off—If they come to Boston, which probably will be the case, If they come to America at all—I shall be under much embarrasment respecting the manner of receiving them & the mode of treatment that ought to be used—I therefore pray that Congress will give me direction & point out the line of conduct to be pursued—Whether they are to be considered as Ambassadors & to have a pass or permit for repairing thro the Country to Philadelphia or to any other place, or whether they are to be restrained in any & what manner. I shall anxiously wait their orders & whatever they are, comply with them litterally. I have the Honor to be with great esteem Sir Your Most Hble Servant
Go: Washington"^[134]

Washington wrote to Reed on 1 Apr.:

"Dear Sir,
By the Express which I sent to Philadelphia a few days ago I wrote you a few hasty lines1—I have little time to do more now, as I am hurried in dispatching one Brigade after another for New York and preparing for my own departure, by pointing out the Duties of those that remain behind me.

Nothing of importance has occurred in these parts, since my last, unless it be the resignations of Generals Ward and Frye, and the reassumption of the former, or retraction, on account as he says, of its being disagreeable to some of the officers. Who these officers are, I have not heard. I have not inquired. When the application to Congress and notice of it to me came to hand, I was disarmed of interposition, because it was put upon the footing of duty, or conscience, the General being persuaded that his health would not allow him to take that share of duty that his office required. The officers to whom the resignation is disagreeable, have been able, no doubt, to convince him of his mistake, and that his health will admit him to be alert and active. I shall leave him till he can determine yea or nay, to command in this quarter. General Frye, that wonderful man, has made a most wonderful hand of it. His appointment took place the 11th January; he desired ten days ago that his resignation might take place the 11th April. He has drawn three hundred and seventy-five dollars, never done one day's duty, scarce been three times out of his house, discovered that he was too old and infirm for a moving camp, but remembers that he has been young, active and very capable of doing what is now out of his power to accomplish; and therefore has left Congress to find out another man capable of making, if possible, a more brilliant figure than he has done; add to these the departure of Generals Lee and Thomas, taking some little acount of S and H (Spencer and Heath), and then form an opinion of the Genls of this army, their councils, & c.

Your Letter of the 15th Ulto contain’d a very unfavourable Acct of the Carolinas, but I am glad to find by the Subsequent one of the 23d that the prospect Brightens; and that Mr Martin’s first attempt (through those universal Instruments of Tyranny the Scotch) hath met with its deserved success—the old proverb, of the first blow being half the Battle cannot better apply than in these Instances the Spirits of the vanquish’d being depress’d in proportion as the Victors get elated.

I am glad to find my Camp equipage in such forwardness. I shall expect to meet it, and I hope you, at New York; for which place I am preparing to set out on thursday, or Friday next.4 the Accts brought by Mr Temple of the favourable disposition in the Ministry to accomodate matters does not corrispond with their Speeches in Parliament; how then does he Acct for their Inconsistency?5 If the Commissioners do not come over with full and ample powers to treat with Congress I sincerely wish they may never put their feet on American Ground, as it must be self evident (in the other case) that they come over with inviduous Intentions—To distract, divide, & create as much confusion as possible—How then can any Man, let his passion for reconciliation be never so strong, be so blinded, and misled, as to embrace a measure, evidently design’d for His destruction? No Man does—no Man can wish the restoration of Peace more fervently than I do; but I hope, whenever made, it will be upon such terms as will reflect honour upon the Councils, and wisdom of America. with you, I think a change in the American representation necessary—frequent appeals to the People can be attended with no bad, but may have very salutary effects. My Countrymen I know, from their form of Government, & steady Attachment heretofore to Royalty, will come reluctantly into the Idea of Independancy; but time, & persecution, brings many wonderful things to pass; & by private Letters which I have lately received from Virginia, I find common sense is working a powerful change there in the Minds of many Men.

The 4000 Men destind for Boston on the 5th; if the Ministerialists had attempted our Works on Dorchester, or the Lines at Roxbury, were to have been headed by old Put. But he would have had pretty easy Work of it, as his Motion’s were to have been regulated by Signals, and those Signals from Appearances—He was not to have made the attempt unless the Town had been drained—or very considerably weakend of its force. I believe I mentioned in my last to you, that all those who took upon themselves the Style & Title (in Boston) of Governments Men, have Shipped themselves off in the same hurry, but under greater disadvantages than the Kings (I think it Idle to keep up the distinction of Ministerial) Troops have done, being obliged, in a manner, to Man their own Vessels; Seamen not being to be had for the Kings Transports; and submit to all the hardships that can be conceived—One or two of them have committed, what it would have been happy for Mankind if more of them had done long ago—the Act of Suicide—By all Accts, a more miserable set of Beings does not exist than these—taught to believe that the power of G. Britain was almost omnipotent, and if it was not that foreign aid was at hand, they were higher, and more insulting in their opposition, than the Regulars themselves—When the Order Issued therefore for Imbarking the Troops in Boston, no Electric shock—no sudden flash of lightning—in a Word, not even the last Trump, cou’d have struck them with greater Consternation—they were at their wits end, and conscious of their black ingratitude, chose to commit themselves in the manner before describ’d to the Mercy of the Winds and Waves, in a tempestuous Season, rather than meet their offended Countrymen; and with this declaration I am told they have done it—that if they could have thought, that the most abject submission, would have procured Peace for them, they would have humbled themselves in the Dust & kissed the rod that shd be held out for Chastisemt. Unhappy wretches! Deluded Mortals! Would it not be good policy to grant a general Amnesty? & conquer these People by a generous forgiveness?8 I am with Mrs Washingtons Compliments Joind with my own to Mrs Reed—Dr Sir Yr Sincere & Affecte friend & Servt
Go: Washington

P.S. I have this Instt receivd an Express from Govr Cooke informing me that A Man of War is just arrivd in the Harbour at New Port, and that 27 Sail of Vessels (supposed to be part of the Fleet from Boston) are within Seconet point. I have orderd Genl Sullivans Brigade wch Marchd from hence on Friday Afternoon to file of immediately for Providence & Genl Greens which was to begin its March to day to repair immediately to that place.
G. W." ^[135]

Poor Joseph had the misfortune to be old and sick and thus incurred Washington's wrath.

Washington and most of the regiments left for New York with Joseph and Gen. Ward remaining in Boston. On 6 Apr. the body of Joseph Warren was exumed from a hole dug by a British detail. On the 8th Joseph and General Ward were two of the pall bearers at the elaborate funeral.

Ward changed his mind again and decided to resign. On 23 Apr. the Continental Congress accepted his and Joseph's resignations: "The Congress having received your Letter of Resignation, I am commanded to acquaint you, that they have been pleased to accept the same. While they lament the cause that obliges you to retire, they cannot but acknowledge it to be a sufficient one. The reputation and Honour with which you have conducted yourself on all Occasions, in the Continental Service, must always afford you the most pleasing Satisfaction."^[136] Joseph recieved this letter from John Hancock on 4 May and went to Watertown to settle his affairs before returning to Maine.

Washington was still seething with disgust over these two officers and wrote to General Lee:

New York May [9] 1776
My dear Lee,
Your favour of the 5th Ulto from Williamsburg (the first I have receivd from you since you left this City) came to my hands by the last Post. I thank you for your kind congratulations on our Possession of Boston—I thank you also for your good wishes in our future operation’s—and hope that every diabolical attempt to deprive Mankind of their Inherent Rights and Priviledges, whether made in the East—West—North—or South, will be attended with disappointment and disgrace; and that the Authors—in the end—will be brought to such punishment as an injured People have a right to Inflict. General Howe’s retreat from Boston, was precipitate—beyond any thing I could have conceived—the destruction of the Stores at Dunbars Camp from Braddocks defeat, was but a feint Immage of what was seen at Boston1—Artillery Carts cut to pieces in one place; Gun Carriages in another; Shells broke here; Shott buried there; and every thing carrying with it, the face of disorder & confusion—as also of distress.

Immediately upon their Imbarkation I detach’d a Brigade of five Regiments to this City—& upon their Sailing, remov’d with the whole Army hither, except four Regiments at Boston, and one at Beverley, &ca for Protection of those places—the Stores & Barracks there—and for erecting Works for defending the Harbour of the first—Immediately upon my arrival here I detached four Regiments by Order of Congress to Canada—(to wit, Poors, Pattersons, Greaton’s, and Bonds) under the Command of Brigadier Thompson—& since that, by the same Authority, and in consequence of some unfavourable Accts from that Quarter, Genl Sullivan & Six other Regiments, namely Starkes, Reeds, Wains, Irvines, Winds & Daytons have movd of[f] for that Department—(the four last Regiments are of Pensylvania & New Jersey)—The first Brigade arrived at Albany the 24th Ulto & were moving on when Accts came from thence the 27th2—the other Brigade must all be at Albany before this, as some of the Regiments Sailed ten days ago, and the last four, & the Winds very favourable3—this has left us very weak at this place, whilst I have my fears that the Re-inforcement will scarce get to Canada in time, for want of Teams to transport the Troops &ca to Fort George, & Vessels to convey them on afterwards.

We have done a great deal of Work at this place—In a fortnight more I think the City will be in a very respectable posture of defence. Governors Island has a large & strong Work erected, & a Regiment Incamp’d there—the point below (call’d red hook) has a small, but exceeding strong Barbet Battery—and several New Works are constructed and many of them almost executed at other places.

General Ward, upon the evacuation of Boston, and finding there was a possibility of his being removed from the smoke of his own chimney, applied to me and wrote to Congress, for leave to resign. A few days afterwards, some of the officers, as he says, getting uneasy at the prospect of his leaving them, he applied for his letter of resignation, which had been carefully committed to my care; but, behold! it had been carefully forwarded to Congress, and, as I have since learned, judged so reasonable, (want of health being the plea) that it was instantly complied with. Brigadier Frye, previous to this, also conceiving there was nothing entertaining or profitable to an old man, to be marching or countermarching, desired, immediately on the evacuation of Boston, (which happened on the 17th of March) that he might resigne his commission on the 11th of April. The choice of the day became a matter of great speculation, and remained profoundly mysterious till he exhibited his account, when there appeared neither more nor less in it than the completion of three calendar months, the pay of which he received without any kind of compunction, although he had never done one tour of duty, or, I believe, had ever been out of his house from the time he entered till he quitted Cambridge. So much for two Generals —I have next to inform you, that the Paymaster Genl, Colo. Warren, not finding it convenient to attend the Army, from the various Imployments and avocations in which he was Ingaged, also resignd his Commission; & is succeeded by your old aid, Palfrey.

When I was speaking of the distressed Situation of the Kings Troops, and the Tories, at their evacuation of Boston, I might have gone on and added, that their Misfortunes did not end here6—It seems upon their arrival at Hallifax, many of the former were obliged to Incamp, although the ground was coverd deep with Snow; and the latter to pay Six dollars a week for sorry upper Rooms, and stow in them Men, Women, & Children as thick (comparitively) as the hair upon their heads; this induced many of these Gentry to return, and throw themselves upon the Mercy, & clemency of their Countrymen, who were for sending them immediately back as the properest, & severest punishment they could Inflict, but death being preferred to this, they now wait, in confinement, any other that may be thought due to such parricides.

All the Ships of War have left this place and gone down to the Hook except the Asia which lays 5 Miles below the Narrows and about 12 or 14 from hence. I could have added more, but my Paper will not admit of it—with Compliment therefore to the Gentn of my Acquaintance with you—and with the most fervent wishes for your health & success I remain Yr Most Affecte
Go: Washington."^[137]

Washington's bigotry and sarcasm was notorious and his remarks about these two capable men attest to that. Ward confronted Washington years later after learning about one of these letters. He asked him if he was the author of the letter. Washington made no reply and Ward said: "I should think that the man who was base enough to write that, would be base enough to deny it."^[138] Such was the anamosity between New Englanders and Southerners.

On 24 Apr. the General Court ordered the Joseph be paid £41/7 for: "his service as Major General one month and twelve days in the Colony Army, and also for his service as superior officer on the sea-coast establishment at Falmouth, two months and one day."^[139]

In Council: Read, and concurred [24 Apr. 1776]… Resolved, That there be paid out of the publick Treasury of this Colony, to Joseph Frye, Esq., the sum of forty-one Pounds seven Shillings, in lull of his services as Major-General.^[140]

Joseph felt as though his pay was not enough for the service he had provided and therefore he submitted a lengthy petition to the Court on 30 May outlining his service. The Court agreed with Joseph and allowed him an additional £44 for his service as a major general from 31 July until 15 Oct. and £4 for his expenses:

"RESOLVES, &c., OF THE COUNCIL AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS.
MEMORIAL OF JOSEPH FRYE.
Colony of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY:
To the honourable the Council and House of Representatives of said Colony in General Court assembled, MAY 30, 1776:

The Memorial of JOSEPH FRYE humbly showeth:
That your memorialist being settled in a new plantation at a place called Pigwacket, in the County of York, much exposed to an enemy from Canada, where the news of the Lexington battle arriving soon after it happened, it filled your memorialist and the other inhabitants of said plantation with great concern, apprehending that, as hostilities were, commenced, a war in a little time would become general. And as they were far advanced in the County of York, they expected that the Governour of Canada would send the Indians, and others he could influence, against them and other exposed plantations; and as they had no ammunition to defend themselves, they expected either to be destroyed or driven from their habitations except they could get some. Therefore they met and requested your memorialist to try and procure some for them; in consequence of which your memorialist came off from said plantation on the 25th of May, 1775, for that purpose, but your memorialist could hear of none in Falmouth, Portsmouth, Newbury, nor in any other trading towns in the eastern country, in the County of Essex, nor any where else; but hearing, after he came to Andover, a large quantity of powder was expected would soon arrive in Watertown, he tarried at Andover some days waiting for the news of its arrival, hoping that if the quantity he had heard of did arrive, he should be favoured with some of it for the purpose above mentioned; and while he was at Andover, viz: on Saturday, the 17th of June, 1775, news arrived there of the burning of Charlestown and the battle of Bunker-Hill. Your memorialist being much concerned at that event, being then fully convinced that the Ministerial plan was to prosecute the unjust war they had begun with their utmost vigour, he the next day after went to Medford, where he tarried the night following, and the 19th went to Cambridge, where he found the honourable General Ward, Commander-in-Chief of the forces that were in the field; also many other gentlemen, some of whom were officers who had been with your memorialist in the wars with the French and Indians, and other men that were privates, who had been under his particular command in those wars, all of whom appeared very desirous of his company in the army, and not only those, but several of the honourable gentlemen belonging to the Congress then sitting at Watertown desired the same. Your memorialist, finding his service so generally desired, consented to serve his country accordingly, the distresses of his exposed plantation notwithstanding; whereupon the honourable the Congress of this Colony were pleased to honour him with a Major-General' s commission, bearing date the 21st of June, 1775. With that commission he entered into the service in Cambridge, under the command of General Ward. After which, about the last of that month or beginning of July, GeneralWard received a packet from Philadelphia, containing his commission from the honourable the Continental Congress, and a list of General Officers appointed by that Congress to command in the army, which list he showed to your said memorialist. Upon looking over said list he thought he might then return to his family, which he mentioned to General Ward; in consequence of which he went up to Watertown, and on his return to Cambridge he informed your memorialist that he had shown said list to one or more of the Congress of this Colony, and that a letter would without delay be sent to the Continental Congress with respect to your memorialist and sundry other General Officers appointed by this Colony Congress, and that those of the last-mentioned Congress he had spoke with desired your memorialist would continue in the army till an answer to that letter should be returned from the Continental Congress, upon which your memorialist consented to tarry. Not long after this, the Congress of this Colony was dissolved, and in the beginning of July, then next, a General Court for this Colony assembled at Watertown, from whom your memorialist received a letter conceived in the following terms, viz:

"In the House of Representatives, Watertown, July 22, 1775.

"SIR: This House, approving of your services in the station you were appointed to in the army by the Congress of this Colony, embrace this opportunity to express their sense of them, and at the same time to desire your continuance with, the army, if you shall judge you can do it without impropriety, till the final determination of the Continental Congress shall be known with regard to the appointment of General Officers. We assure you that the justice of this House will be engaged to make you an adequate compensation for your services. We have such intelligence as affords us confidence to suppose that a few days will determine whether any such provisions shall be made for you as is consistent with your honour to accept, and shall give you encouragement to remain in the service.

"By order of the House:
"JAMES WARREN, Speaker.
"General Frye."

When your memorialist had received the letter of which the foregoing is a true copy, he not only judged he could continue in the army without impropriety, but looked upon himself bound in duty to his country to do it till the final determination of the Continental Congress should be known with regard to the appointment of General Officers, and accordingly went to Roxbury with General Ward, and while there, viz: about the time it was expected a commission would arrive from Philadelphia for your memorialist, this Colony' s members of the Continental Congress came to General Ward' s quarters, when they informed your said memorialist that in the letter sent to them in regard to him and others, his Christian name was not mentioned, and that as they knew your memorialist had moved into the County of York, they could not satisfy themselves it was he, therefore deferred the affair till they could have the name ascertained; and then two of those gentlemen desired your said memorialist to give them an account of his military services in theFrench wars, in order to lay it before the members of the Continental Congress, who were strangers to him; agreeable to which your said memorialist gave them the account they desired; and about the last of August those gentlemen set out on their journey to Philadelphia, leaving their desire of his continuance in the army, not doubling but he would be commissioned to command a Brigade that was then vacant. Your memorialist continued at Roxbury accordingly till the 12th day of October following, when being informed that General Washington had received a letter from the Continental Congress, wherein, among other things, he was informed that the appointment of another Brigadier-General was deferred for the then present, your memorialist left Roxbury, came to Cambridge, where it took him two days, viz: the 13th and 14th of said month, to get ready to return home, and on the 15th left Cambridge and went to Andover, which being his native place he tarried there till the beginning of November, then next, where he received a commission and instructions from the honourable the Council of this Colony, empowering him to take the command of the men posted in the County of Cumberland for the defence of the sea-coast, &c., and commanding them to obey him as their superiour officer. As the instructions above mentioned were directed to General Frye, had no doubt on his mind but he would be esteemed as such, and as he was sure he had done nothing for which he deserved degradation, he concluded that the commission meant no more than to subject the troops in the County of Cumberland to his command, and that he should be treated in some measure agreeable to the dignity of the commission he had been honoured with from the Colony Congress. In this service he continued till the beginning of February, 1776, when he received a letter from General Washington, whereby your said memorialist was informed that the Continental Congress had appointed him a Brigadier-General in the Continental army, and by the same letter he was ordered to the camp in Cambridge with all possible speed. In obedience thereto your said memorialist left Falmouth, in said County of Cumberland, and came to Cambridge, where he arrived the evening of the 15th of said month, and the next morning waited upon General Washington, who presented him a Brigadier-General' s commission, dated the 10th day of the preceding month. Your memorialist having informed your Honours how he understood the above-recited letter, begs leave to insert in this place a Resolve of the late Great and General Court, passed in the House the 25th of January, 1776, which is as followeth, viz:

"Resolved, That there be allowed and paid out of the publick Treasury of the Colony to the General Officers appointed by the Congress of this Colony for their services in the Massachusetts Army, from the time they entered into said service until they were put into the pay of the Continent or were otherwise discharged, at the several rates following, viz: To the Hon. General Ward, who served this Colony as Cornmander-in-Chief, £21 per month; to General Thomas, who served this Colony as Lieutenant-General, £18 per month; and to Generals Whitcomb, Heath, Frye, and Pomeroy, who served this Colony as Major-Generals, £16 per month each, accounting twenty-eight days to a month; and they are respectively desired to make up their accounts accordingly, and lodge them with the Secretary of this Colony for examination and allowance of the Committee on the Muster Rolls of the Army."

As your memorialist was brought into the army in the manner already mentioned, and desired to continue therein, as appears by the Court' s letter of the 22d of July, 1775; and as the time of his being brought into the Continental army was deferred by reason his Christian name was omitted in the letter sent to the Continental Congress, and being sent by the late General Court to take the command of the sea-coast men in the County of Cumberland, by a commission dated the 13th ofNovember, 1775; in which service he continued till the beginning of February, 1776, when he was called into the Continental army, as before related, and by comparing the letter from the General Court to your memorialist, dated the 22d of July, 1775, with the said Court' s resolve of the 25th ofJanuary, 1776, and observing his pay was but £16 per month, which is not half the sum allowed to a Brigadier-General in the Continental army, and much less still than half the pay per month of a Major-General in that army, your memorialist had no doubt in his mind but the honourable the then General Court of this Colony designed his pay of £16 per month should be continued till he was taken into the pay of the Continent. But so it was, the following Resolve passed in the General Court, April 24, 1776, viz:

"Resolved, That there be paid out of the publick Treasury of this Colony to the Hon. Joseph Frye, Esq., the sum of £41 7s., in full discharge for his service as Major-General in the Colony Army one month and twelve days, and also for his service as superiour officer on the sea-coast establishment at Falmouth, two months and one day."

This is much short of the time of his service, as before shown. If it should be objected that between the 15th of October, 1775, which was the time your memorialist left the army, as before mentioned, and the 13th of November, then next, which is the day of the date of his commission to command the troops at Falmouth, on the sea-coast establishment, there is twenty-eight days he was not in actual service, he begs leave to reply that he allows it; but as he was one hundred and forty miles from his family, and one hundred and twenty miles from Falmouth, he apprehended that in the first case he should be allowed (as was ever usual) some time to go home in, and in the latter case, as no rations were allowed for his subsistence, and it being very expensive travelling at that season of the year, by reason there was such a scarcity of hay, no horses, as he was told, could be kept in Falmouth, he was obliged to hire two horses in Andover, and a man to bring them back from Falmouth, which was attended with no trifling expense. He flattered himself that all things considered through the whole affair, he should be allowed some part of the twenty-eight days, if not the whole, in either of those cases.

Your memorialist having given your Honour' s a true relation of facts with regard to his service, he begs leave to say that he really thinks, that as they were not stated in due order and laid before the late honourable Assembly, it was the occasion of some mistake with regard to the time of his service, otherwise he is persuaded a larger sum would have been allowed him. Wherefore, upon the whole, your memorialist prays your Honours would please to take the premises under consideration, when he makes no doubt but your Honours will make him an adequate compensation for his services, agreeable to the before-recited letter from the late honourable Assembly to him.

And, as in duty bound, prays.
JOSEPH FRYE…

In the House of Representatives,
September, 1776.

Resolved, That there be allowed and paid out of the Treasury of this State to General Joseph Frye, over and above what has been already allowed him, the sum of £44 in full for his services during his continuance in the Army at Cambridge and Roxbury, and the further sum of £3 16s., over and above what he has received of the Commissary for his subsistence during his continuance in the sea-coast service of this State, in the County of Cumberland, the same to be in full for his services till his appointment to a command in he Continental Army. ^[141]

Joseph left Watertown and probably went to Andover before going to Falmouth where he was on 30 June. He then returned to Fryeburg and did not take any other part in the war. Although many of the men of the town took part in the Revolution, Fryeburg itself was removed from the hostilities.

The descendants of Joseph Frye became eligible for membership in the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati under the Rule of 1854.

Back to Fryeburg

On 22 Nov. 1776 the people of Fryeburg petitioned the General Court to incorporate into a town.^[142] This petition was approved 10 Jan. 1777 with the exception of the unresolved land swap. Col. Tristram Jordan J.P., issued a warrant for the first town meeting which was held on 31 Mar. Joseph took little official part in town affairs from this point. Perhaps he felt as though enough of his relatives held office to negate any need of him holding any post. On 28 May 1777 a meeting of the Proprietors was held and Joseph was chosen moderator. At another meeting on 15 Sept. Joseph resigned as clerk. The only other office Joseph held after this time was that of moderator of the town meeting in Aug. 1779.

During this time Joseph was still trying to settle the boundaries of his town. On 25 Sept. 1778 he wrote a long letter to the General Court requesting that the matter be settled stating: "If after all the Pains I have taken and the expense that has fallen upon me in this unhappy affair, the Land must be Resurvey'd, I must beg of you it may be done this fall, for the further neglect of it (if I should live) will put me to great Trouble, and if I should be Taken out of Life before it is done, the Consequences will be very bad for my Family."^[143]

On 18 Aug. 1779 Joseph was chosen moderator of the town meeting and was one five men chosen: "to draw a remonstrance and petition to the General Court showing the inability of the inhabitants to pay the heavy tax of 5975 Pounds, 15 Shillings & 9 Pence 3 Farthings and to pray abatement of so much as to bring the tax to such a sum as they are able to pay."^[144]

Joseph was chosen to present the petition to the General Court which he did and the Court decided on 7 Oct. to abate £2443/12/5/3 which still left an impossible tax burden on the town.^[145] Joseph was reimbursed £4 for his services two and a half years later in Apr. 1782. In June of 1780 Joseph was appointed a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum for York County.

"A genealogical account of the family of the Fryes in Andover, in the County of Essex and Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England, taken by the Subscriber from Captain Nathaniel Frye who kept in remembrance the Lineage of the family down to Anno Domini 1769.

The Progenitor of the Family was named John. He came from a Town or Borough or Parish called Andover near Basingtoke, in Hampshire, in Old England, and landed at Newbury in the aforesaid county of Essex (but the time of his arrival is lost), and from Newbury he came to Andover in Its infant State. His children were: 1ly John, 2ly Benjamin, 3ly Samuel, 4ly James.

1ly John, of these children in particular was born in old England, and after he had lived in Andover some time, and being esteemed a good sort of a man was made a Deacon of the first church in said Town, and lived to considerable age there but died childless.

2ly Benjamin. His children were John, Joseph, Nathaniel, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, Esther, Hepsibah. John is dead but left children, Joseph, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, all died young Nathaniel (from whom this account if principally taken) has had three wives who are dead. He had no children by them and as he is now an aged man, its likely he will die childless. Esther and Hepsibah married but left no children.

3ly Samuel. His children were John, Ebenezer, Nathaniel, Samuel, Benjamin, Hannah, Mary, Phebe, Deborah- all married and all left children.

4ly James. His children were James, Lydia, Dorothy, Sarah, Mary, Jonathan, all married and had children except Jonathan, who, in A.D. 1725 went chaplain of a company of volunteers under the command of Captain John Lovewell after the Indians who were then at war with New England. This company (who consisted of but thirty-four men), met and fought three score Indians on the bank of a pond at Pigwacket, on the 8th day of May in said year, when the captain and the greatest part of his men were killed, and the said chaplain received a mortal wound. He was able to get off of the place where the battle was fought but died in the wilderness. Jonathan being dead, and his elder and only brother James being dead sometime before, the old gentleman, their Father, gave his estate to his Grandson James, the son of his deceased son of that name. As this account was taken by the subscriber in order to show his children from whence and from whom they descended, he now confines his account to that branch of the Family he Sprang from, which was from Samuel the 3d son of the Old Gentleman, the Father of the Family as before shown. The subscriber's father was John (the oldest son of the said Samuel) who was the 3d son of the Progenitor of the Family, the account of whose family now follows-

John- His children: 1 John, 2 Isaac, 3 Joshua, 4 Abial, 5 Mehitable, 6 Anne, 7 Phebe, 8 Joseph, 9 Hannah, 10 Anne, 11 Samuel, 12 John, 13 Tabitha. The subscriber now proceeds to particularize concerning this family (of which he is the 8th child in the course of Birth), all which particulars have occurred within his memory and are as follows, viz:-

1 John died at the age of twenty-one, not married; left no child nor children behind him.

2 Isaac. His children were 1 Naomah, 2 Martha, 3 Dorothy, 4 Dorcas, 5 Susanna, 6 Huldah, 7 Tabathy. The Father of these children and his youngest Daughter Tabatha died within a few hours of each other and were both buried in one grave; the other three children lived to marry and have children. N.B. The mother of these children died about a year before the death of their Father.

3 Joshua- His children by his first wife were Mary, Joshua, Jonathan; the two last died young; Mary married and is the mother of several children. His children by his second wife were Joshua and John.

4 Abiel. His children were Abigal (who died young), Abiel, Simon, Abigail, Isaac- all married (except Abiel) and have children.

5 Mehitable married and lived to considerable age but died childless.

6 Anne died young, not of age to marry.

7 Phebe married and lived to considerable age but died childless.

8 Joseph- His children were Joseph, Samuel, Mehitable, all died young and within a few days of each other, with a terrible distemper, called the throat distemper in A.D. 1738, which swept off a great number of children in many parts of New England. His next child was Mehitable, who lived but sixteen days. After which his children were Mehitable, Joseph, Tabitha, Hannah, Richard, Nathaniel, Samuel.

9 Hannah- married, is now a widow and mother of several children.

10 Anne married, is now a widow and mother of several children. She was named Anne to bear up the name of her that died young as above shown.

11 Samuel died in the thirteenth year of his age.

12 John was so named to bear up the name of John who died about twenty-one years of age as above shown, but he died unmarried about nineteen years of age; left no offspring.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 17th of July, 1733. Samuel Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the first day of January, 1735; Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 16th day of April, 1738; Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 12 day of May, 1739, and died on the 28th of the same month; Mehitable Frye, the daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 8th day of April, 1741.

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 10th of July, 1743. Tabitha Frye, the daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 11th day of October, 1744. Hannah Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born the 23d day of March, 1748/9. Richard Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehitable Frye, was born on the 5th day of August, 1751.

Nathaniel Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 22d day of April- 1753.

Samuel Frye, son of Col Joseph Frye and Mrs. Mehetable Frye, was born on the 5th day of July, 1758

Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph adn Mehetable Frye, died on the 27th day of August, 1738. Mehitable Frye, the Daughter of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, died on the 9th day of September, 1738. Samuel Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, died on the 10th day of September 1738.

Dear Children:
Being sensible the foregoing genealogy neither is or can be of any public benefit, it cannot be worthy of public notice. I therefore have no other meaning than to hand it down to you, to the end that you and your descendants may (if you or any of them have or may have the curiosity) look back to the first of the family in Andover, from whom you derived your nativity, and may continue it along to many generations, if you or any of them think proper to do it; with that view (and no other) it is presented to you by your
Affectionate Father
March 19, 1783.....................Joseph Frye."^[146]

Joseph was evidently not satisfied with his situation as he wrote to Rev. Benjamin Parker of Haverhill on 9 June 1783: "After spending near twenty years in publick life, viz in Camp & Court, which gave me the advantage of the Company & intimate acquaintance of many of the most Sensible Gentlemen of this Country & many such from Europe,- my lot has been to retire and fix myself in this remote place, where I am destitute of such Company as I wish might have succeeded the former. Being now advanced to old age, and exercised with such Bodily maladies as has much impaired my Constitution and rendered me inevitably Liable to a disorder which subjects the mind to such a melancholy gloom as has rendered the life of many Persons, even in a time of Publick & private Prosperity, very unhappy.- And if so what must I feel when musing upon the loss of many Sensible Friends, some by death and some by the late unhappy war, and seeing that... moral rectitude & social affection which rendered mankind Blessings to each other are so Obliterated that they exist in the breasts of but few, and the amazing debt the war has brought upon us, and no prospect in view of its being paid by any means but such as will bring the greatest part of the People in this Country into the utmost distress and no understanding friend (except C. Swan) to afford a word of Consolation."^[147]

Joseph still did not have his boundary settled. A committee of the House had been appointed in Mar. 1781 but they did not issue their report until Mar. 1784. They stated that Joseph's plan was unreasonable and they proposed an alternate swap. Unfortunately their alternate proposal interfered with the grant of New Suncook (Lovell). No further progress was therefore made concerning Joseph's problem.^[148]

During this time the issue of separation from Massachusetts became prominent. A convention was held at Falmouth on 4 Jan. 1786 and consisted of 33 delegates, five of whom were from Fryeburg, one of them being Joseph. A list of grievances was prepared to support the separation from Massachusetts including: the fact that the interests of the two areas were different and Maine's interest was not being properly promoted; proper handling of business before the Supreme Judicial Court was difficult because of the vast distance involved; present trade regulations reduced the price of lumber; a portion of the inhabitants were denied representation in the House because the towns were not of sufficient size; the present system of taxation by polls and estates was unfair to Maine residents; excise and impost acts were also unfair; and the duty on deeds was inequitable because of the more frequent sale of property in Maine than in Massachusetts.^[149] At the reconvened town meeting on 10 Mar. the town unanamously voted to separate from Massachusetts, however they were in the minority. Joseph sold to his sons Richard and Samuel Frye of Fryeburg, Husbandmen for £414/14: "my Farm I call my Homestead Farm on which I now dwell being two first division upland lots laid out for forty acres each... two first division intervale Lots of land laid out for twenty acres each... adjoining each other together with my Dwelling House & Barn standing on the Southernmost of said Upland Lots... except... a small piece lying on the Northerly side of and adjoining to a creek near the North side of my son Josephs Dwelling House..." 6 Aug. 1786. The deed was witnessed by William Fessenden and Jonathan Dresser.^[150]

On 8 Jan. 1787 a town meeting was held during which the townspeople voted to adopt a set of recomendations prepared by Joseph. He wanted an equitable solution to paying off the securities that were given to Massachusetts soldiers during the Revolution instead of pay. Many had sold their bills of credit to others for a greatly reduced sum and now the government was going to redeem these securities, paying the face value to those who had not served their country. Joseph proposed to reduce the value of the securities to an equitable level which the purchasers of these bills should have and to use the remainder to compensate the soldiers. Joseph also asked the town's representative to the Court to use his efforts to see that Congress be impowered to regulate commerce with foreign nations which would: "bring on such a demand for American produce, as will cause a circulation of money, that will reach into the inland parts of these States, where now there is no appearance of any." Joseph felt that unless Congress: "make it manifest to the world, they are united therein, it must be acknowledged (as it is esteemed by foreigners) that the confederation and perpetual union of these States is but an empty name!"^[151] Joseph also proposed that the state issue script to relieve the shortage of hard currency until the tax situation could be resolved and foreign trade stimulated. There is no record of how his ideas were received in Boston.

On 10 Mar. 1787 Joseph finally had the approval of the General Court for his land swap. After sixteen years trying to settle this problem it was finally put to rest.^[152]

In 1787 John Hancock was re-elected as Governor against James Bowdoin. Because of this change in command Joseph was reappointed as a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum. He retained this appointment until his death.

Joseph sold to his sons: "In Consideration of the Paternal Love and affection I have for my two sons namely Richard and Samuel Frye of Fryeburg... a second Division Upland lot on the Southerly side of Saco River N. thirty three... containing Forty three acres one Quarter & thirty Seven rods- Secondly a first Division Upland Lot N. Forty seven... containing thirty five acres and three Quarters and Twenty six Rods both of which Lots are bounded on the Road leading out of the Main Road on the Southerly side of the River in Fryeburg aforesaid to Simon Frye, Esq. Thirdly a Second Division Intervale lot on the Southerly side of Saco River N. fifteen containing twenty nine acres of Qualified land adjoining and laying up River of a Second Division Intervale lot now owned by one W.W. Keen who purchased the same of Mr. Samuel Walker junr... Fourthly a hundred acre Upland Lot laid out as third Division land on the Southerly side of Saco River aforesd Bounded Northerly on Land belonging to the Rev. Mr. Wm. Fessenden Southerly on Land belonging to Mr. Ezekiel Walker Eastwardly on land belonging to the abovesaid Joseph Frye, Esqr and westwardly on Common or undivided land..." 12 Mar. 1790. This deed was witnessed by William Fessenden and Joseph Frye Jr.^[153]

Last Will & Testament

"I Joseph Frye of Fryeburg... make this my Last Will and Testament... hertofore I have imparted to each of my Sons and to my Eldest Daughter Estate in Lands by Deeds of gift- So that the Land which by this Instrument I shall give to my Children is the remainder of the Lands I have left in the Town aforesaid and in a Tract of Land adjoining the Northerly part thereof, commonly called Fryeburg Addition...

1ly I give to my Eldest Son Joseph Frye an upland lot of Land, laid out for forty acres be the same more or less laying on a Hill called Walker's Hill and adjoining to a forty acre Lot of upland belonging to Benjamin Wiley and one of my Silver Table Spoons.

2ly I give to my Son Nathaniel Frye an upland Lot of Land laid out for forty acres be the same more or less laying near Mr. McKeens, and my Intervale Lot of Land (called the broad point Lot) laid out for thirty acres be the same more or less, laying below Mr. William Wiley's and one of Silver Table Spoon.

3ly I give to my Sons Richard Frye and Samuel Frye all the remainder of my Household goods & Furniture of every denomination (except what thereof, I have above and shall herunder otherwise dispose of) to be equally divided between them,- Each of them to have, in his dividend thereof, one of my Silver Table Spoons.

4ly I give to my Eldest Daughter Mehitabel who is the wife of Doctr Josiah Chase thirty acres of Land to be taken out of my uplands not above nor any otherwise disposed of, and one of my Silver Table Spoons, which, with what I gave her at her marriage, what She has lately had of her Deceased Mother's wearing Apparrel, and the Land I have heretofore given her by Deed of gift makes up what I think She ought to have of my Estate. But by a certain consideration one thereunto moving, I give to her Husband the said Josiah Chase a Silver Instrument (which one of my bodily maladies obliges me to keep constantly by me) called a cathetor.

5ly I give to my Daughter Tabitha the wife of Majr. Joseph Pettingill one of my Silver Table Spoons, Six pewter Plates, a note of hand Dated July 3d 1773 whereby he the said Joseph Pettingill stands indebted to me the sum of seventeen Pounds two Shillings principal and the Interest thereof from the Date of said Note, and One hundred acres of Land to be taken out of my uplands that are not above nor otherwise disposed of, and as she lives in the State of New York, which is at such a distance from this place, that it is impossible any Improvent of it can be made to her advantage I would have due care taken that said Land be such with respect ( ) which makes up what I think she ought to have of my Estate.

6ly I give to my Grand- Children the Children of my deceased Daughter Hannah who was the wife of Mr. William Sargeant, Sixty acres of Land, to be taken out of my uplands, that are not above, nor otherwise disposed of, and as this Land must be divided among them it cannot be improved so much to their advantage as I wish it might, I therefore think it would be best for them that it might be sold and the proceeds of the sale be divided among them, and for that Reason, I would have the same care taken with regard to its quality and Situation, as above directed with regard to the Land I have given to my above named Daughter Tabitha Also that there be paid them out of my Estate in money, the value of one of my Silver Table Spoons, which with the Lands hereby given them and what I gave their Mother at her Marriage makes up what I think she ought to have of my Estate might she have lived to receive it herself.

7ly I give to my Son Joseph my best Hat- To my Son Richard my scarlet cloak & my Silver Stock Buckle- To my Son Samuel my Silver Shoe Buckles and Silver Knee Buckles- And my wearing Apparrel (except my Hat & Cloak above mentioned) I give to my Sons Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel and Samuel, to be equally divided among them Also I give to them my above named Sons my Books and Pamphlets to be divided equally between them but with this caution, that my Largest Bible, shall be in the Dividends of my Sons Richard and Samuel

8ly I give to my Sons Joseph Frye, Richard Frye, Nathaniel Frye, Samuel Frye all the residue of my Lands in the Town of Fryeburg aforesaid and in that Tract of Land that lays adjoining to the northerly part of said Town commonly called Fryeburg Addition (that is all that is my due in said Town & said Addition not above nor otherwise disposed of) viz all of it that is already laid out in said Town & Addition (except as above excepted) and what is my due in the Common & undivided Lands in both places, which shall be divided among them in shares of as near equal value as possible, Saving that the Lots of Land above given to my Sons Joseph & Nathaniel shall be reckoned to them as part of their Dividends thereof.

Now be it Known that in Consideration of what Estates in Land and other Means I have heretofore given them my said Sons Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel and Samuel, with what I have given them in this Instrument, I think it Just, and accordingly lay them under the following Injunctions viz

1ly That they pay all my just Debts (if any such shall be left unpaid at my decease) in the payment whereof each one of them shall pay one fourth part thereof.

2ly That Each one of my said Sons Shall bear one fourth part of the Expence of the Interrment of my Body, which I would have done in a Decent Christian like manner, without any Military Parade (as has been proposed to me) on account of the long time and many offices I Sustaind in the Service of my Country in their former and latter Wars, the Saving the expence whereof, I think will be better for the Families of my Children than the Honr of it can be of Service to them or me.

3ly That my said Sons shall be at Equal Expence for decent grave stones to be set up at my own and their Mother's grave- And as the place where their Mother is Interred is a peice of land that was my own (but now belongs to my Sons Richard & Samuel) and is now Fenced with a Rail Fence and Designed by my self, and them the said Richard & Samuel for a buring place of my Self and Family and the Families of my Children that may die in this place I think it just that my Sons the said Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel & Samuel be at Equal Expence to fence it in with a Substantial Stone wall and take Equal care to keep said wall in good repair and the ground a clean piece of grass ground.

Lastly I Do hereby constitute and appoint my Sons Joseph Frye, Nathaniel Frye and the Revd. William Fessenden jointly and severally Executors of this my Last Will and Testament and the Reason of my appointing them in manner as aforesaid is to the End that in case of the removal of any one or two them by Death or otherwise before the busness may be finished that the Survivors or Survivor may be able to finish the business of the trust hereby committed to them, and Save the Expence of Administration ( ). And I do now declare this to be my Last Will and Testament allowing it and no other to be so. In Witness whereof I have hereunto Set my hand and Seal the Seventh day of July Anno Domini one thousand Seven hundred and ninety three and in the Sixteenth year of American Independence.
Joseph Frye
Signed, Sealed and Declared by
the said Joseph Frye to be his
Last Will and Testament in
presence of us
Jonathan Dresser
Jonathan Dresser Junr.
Levi Dresser."

"An Inventory of the Estate of Joseph Frye late of Fryeburg in the County of York, Esqr., deceased...

Personal Estate
A Beaver Hat 30/ two Brushes 9/. a black Handkf
3/....................................................................... £ 2..2..- Two full trimmed skirts 24/. two shirts 9/. three
Stocks 3/............................................................. 1..16..-
A Velvet Coat 24/. a Broadcloth Coat 18/. a strait
Coat 10/.............................................................. 2..12..-
A Nankin Waistcoat 5/ a Waistcoat 2/ a loose Coat
5/ .............................................................................12..-
A pair of Leather Breeches 3/. a pair Leather Gloves
1/. pair Linen gloves 1/........................................... 5..-
A pair worsted Hose 5/, a pair of linen Hose 6/..11..-
A pair of Cotton Hose 3/, a pair of linen Hose 3/..6..-
A pair of linen Hose 1/6, two pair of Hose 2/....3..6
A broadcloth Cloak 60/. a pair of Silver Shoe
Buckles 9/............................................................. 3..9..-
A pair of Silver Knee Buckles 5/. a Silver Stock
Buckle 4/...............................................................9..-
Table Linen 12/. 6 Pewter Plates 9/. two large Pewter
dishes 15/............................................................ 1..16..-
Seven Pewter dishes 35/ twenty two pewter plates
15/ 2…………………………………..............................10..-
A Pewter Can 1/ 6 Ten Milk pans 9/ six Tin Tart pans
4/..........................................................................14..-
Six Silver Table Spoons 42/. four Silver Tea Spoons
8/......................................................................... 2..10..-
Tea Cups & Saucers 1/6 six Earthen plates 6/ a
Tea Pot 1/6..........................................................9..-
Two brass Candlestickes 2/ Flat Irons 9/ a Tin
Candlestick 1/......................................................6..-
A Glass Canister 1/ a Glass Decanter 2/ six Wine
Glasses 3/...........................................…...............6..-
A brass skimmer 1/ a pair of Steel yards 3/.....4..-
A Feather Bed under Bed Bedstead & bedding, bolster
& pillows 60/........................................................ 3..-..-
A Feather Bed under Bed Bedstead & bedding,
bolster & pillows with Curtains & Valance 48/. 2..8..-
A Field Bed under Bed Bedstead Pillow & Blanket with the headcloth and Valance 30/........................1..10..-
A Warming pan 9/ a Desk 36/ four Chests 40/ a
small Chest 3/.................................................... 4..8..-
Two Tables 15/ three Chairs 6/ a Linen Wheel 9/ a
Hascomb 12/...................................................... 2..2..-
An Iron Kittle 15/ a Brass Kittle 6/ a Copper Tea
Kittle 3/................................................................ 1..4..-
Andirons 3/ two pair of Tongs 8/ a fireslice 3/...14..
Three Glass Bottles 1/ a Trammel 6/ Frying pan 5/
a spit 6/............................................................... -..18..-
A pair of Snuffers 1/ Meat Tubs & dry Casks-
Sixteen 20/.......................................................... 1..1..-
A Lamp 1/ a Coat Brush 1/ a Mortar & Pestle
12/........................................................................ -..14..-
A Catheter 18/..................................................... -..18..-
A large Bible 10/ thirty five pamphlets 11/8 a Book
of maps 48/.......................................................... 3..9..8
Baileys Dictionary 10/ a military orderly Book in
Manuscript 10/...................................................... 1..-..-
An old small Bible 1/6 a French Dictionary
10/........................................................................ 11..6..-
Bland's Exercise 3/ The true born English man 3/
Bacon's Essays 6/................................................ -..12..-
Paradise regained 4/ a Psalm Book 1/6 a Military
Book /4................................................................ -..5..10
A French Book 2/ British Remembrances 1/6 a Book
on cookery 1/6....................................................... -..5..-
Notes of hand to the amount of............. £28..11..1..2
A curious French Pipe 6/ an Ink stand 1/ a Wafer box
& seal 12/............................................................. -..19..-
Two sand boxes 1/ a Tobacco box 3/................. -..4..-
One Yard & almost an half of Gold Lace 12/... -..12..-
A Razor & case 2/ a Hone 1/6............................. -..3..6
...........................................................................76..11.1.2

Real Estate
Eight common & undivided Rights in the Township
of Fryeburg @ 9£ each...................................72..-..-

Four hundred & fifty acres of third division Lands
laying in Fryeburg Addition @ 9/ pr acre....202..10..-

A first Division Upland Lot No 39 containing forty five acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River @
12/ pr acre....................................................... 27..-..-

A first Division Upland Lot No. 50 containing forty acres of qualified Land laying south of Saco River @ 12/ pr
acre................................................................... 42..12..-

A Second Division Upland Lot No. 15 containing Sixty four acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River
@ 12/ pr acre................................................... 38..8..-

A first Division Intervale Lot No.38 containing twenty one Acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River
@ 18/ pr acre................................................... 18..18..-

A Second Division Intervale Lot No.14 containing forty eight acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco River
@ 22/ pr acre................................................... 52..16..-

Part of a third Division laying south of Saco River
Eighty one acres @ 12/ pr acre....................... 48..12..-

Part of a third Division of Upland laying South of Saco
River- forty eight acres @ 12/ pr acre............ 28..16..-
Total 632..3..1..2
Fryeburg Novr 18th 1794
Simon Frye
Jonathan Dresser Junr. Appraisers
Benjamin Wiley"

"The following is an Assignment by the Executors of Joseph Frye Esqr. deceased, of the several parcels of Land bequeathed by the said deceased to his Daughters & their Heirs, in compliance to his last Will & Testament...

Bounds of the Land assigned to Mehitabel Chase Daughter of said deceased... being the southwardly part of third Division No. 21 & contains thirty acres Bounds of the Land Assigned to the Heirs of Hannah Sargent, Daughter of said deceased... being the whole of first Division Upland Lot No.50 & the Northwardly part of third Division No.21 and contains sixty acres. Bounds of the Land Assigned to Tabitha Pettingill Daughter of said deceased...being the whole of third Division No.20 and a tract of Land laid to complete the eight Rights late the property of Joseph Frye Esqr. third & fourth Divisions & in lieu of Land taken off for Roads And contains one hundred acres.
Fryeburg June 9th, 1796
William Fessenden
Nathaniel Frye, Executors"

"The undersigned, three of us Sons & Legatees and the other an attorney or agent for Joseph Frye an absent Son & Legatee, of Joseph Frye Esqr. deceased, do hereby mutually agree upon a division of such part of said deceaseds real Estate as is devised to us in his, the said deceaseds last Will & Testament, in the following Manner, viz.-

Joseph Frye to have the following pieces or parcels of Land as his part of what was devised to him. Second division Upland Lot No.15 laying south of
Saco River, reckoned at.................................... 80..0..0

One hundred & thirty six acres of third division Land, to lay from the state line the length of said 3d division line, on the line between Bradley & Eastman & Fryeburg Addition, & such a width as that a parallel line with the line last mentiond will complete the one hundred &
thirty six acres reckoned at............................. 204..0..0

One hundred & Ninety four Acres three Rood & sixteen perch of Fourth division Land, to be taken off the southwardly part of a tract of Land laid out to the original Rights of Joseph Frye Esqr. as fourth division Land, and laying upon the state line, and two common
& undivided Rights Reckond at…………............ 60..0..0
............................................................................344..-..-

Richard Frye & Samuel Frye, to have the following peices or parcels of Land, as their part of what was devised to them-

Second division Upland Lot No.14 laying south of
Saco River, reckoned at................................... 128..0..0

they paying their Brother Nathaniel Frye thirty one Dollars Two hundred & Ninety acres & thrity two perch of third division Land, bounded Westwardly by the line of a piece of Land herein after assigned to Nathaniel Frye, and from the southeastwardly corner of said Nathaniels Land, upon Mr. Isaac Abbots Land to... Joseph Fryes one hundred & thirty six acres...
reckoned at....................................................... 471..0..0

Two hundred acres of fourth division Land, bounded by Bradley & Eastman's line Northerly by great Keezer Pond Eastwardly, by Col. Pages Land Southerly, & by their own & Joseph Fryes third division Land Westerly- Two hundred & thirteen acres, two roods & three perch of fourth division Land laying on the state line, and is the Northerly part of the fourth division Land, laid to the original Rights of Joseph Frye Esqr. & adjoins to the one hundred & ninety four acres, three Roods & sixteen perch, above assigned to Joseph Frye, & four common
& undivided Rights Reckoned at....................120..0..0
...........................................................................719..0..0

Nathaniel Frye to have the following pieces or parcels of land as his part of what was devised to him

First division Upland Lot No. 39 laying south of Saco
River Reckoned at.................................................. 80..

First division Intervale Lot No. 38 laying south of
Saco River, Reckoned at........................................ 63..

Second division Intervale Lot No. 16 laying south of
Saco River, Reckoned at...................................... .110..

Twenty three acres three Roods & eight perch of third division Land, bounded Westwardly by the state line, then from the state line Eastwardly by Joseph Frye's Land for as may be necessary to give twenty three Acres, three Roods & eight perch by a line running parallel with the state line from Joseph Frye's line to Isaac Abbots line-

One hundred & seventy one acres & eight perch of fourth division Land laying in McNeal turn (so called) and two common & undivided Rights, and to Receive thirty one Dollars from his Brothers Richard & Samuel,
Reckoned at……………………………………………............ 91.
...................................................................................344..0.0

Fryeburg December 24 1796
Benjamin Wiley for & in behalf of Joseph Frye
Richard Frye
Nathaniel Frye
Attest John Farington, Samuel Frye
Robert Wiley"^[154]

The Eastern Herald of Portland published Joseph's obituary on 2 Aug. 1794: "On Friday, the 25th inst. departed this life, and on the Lords day afternoon following, was decently and honourablly interred General JOSEPH FRYE, in the 83d year of his age.- In early life he was called upon to engage in the defence of his country, passed through several military grades, in all which he discovered a genius commanding applause. In his last sickness, which consisted of a complication of disorders, he endured great bodily pains, which he bore with true Christian fortitude. He gave the fullest testimony of his firm and unshaken belief to the truth of the Christian religion; and his dying request, to his children, was, to live in Christian Love and Friendship, and yield a strict obedience to the precepts of the gospel."^[155]

Sources

1. ↑ True History of the Terrible Epidemic Vulgarly Called the Throat Distemper- Ernest Caulfield, Yale Journal of Biology & Medicine, Vol.XI, pp.67,103
2. ↑ Louisbourg Soldiers- Charles Hudson, NEHGR- Vol. 24, pp.367-78
3. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves' Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, p.114
4. ↑ Journal Kept by Lieutenant Daniel Giddings- Essex Institute Collections, LXVIII, p.294
5. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves’s Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, pp. 113- 24 (Apr. 1912)
6. ↑ The Journals and Papers of Seth Pomeroy- Louis E. de Forest, p. 15
7. ↑ The Journals and Papers of Seth Pomeroy- Louis E. de Forest, p. 15
8. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves’s Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, pp. 113- 24 (Apr. 1912)
9. ↑ The Journals and Papers of Seth Pomeroy- Louis E. de Forest, pp. 8, 16, 19
10. ↑ The Journals and Papers of Seth Pomeroy- Louis E. de Forest, p. 20
11. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves’s Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, pp. 113- 24 (Apr. 1912)
12. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves’s Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, pp. 113- 24 (Apr. 1912)
13. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves' Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, p.121
14. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves’s Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, pp. 113- 24 (Apr. 1912)
15. ↑ Benjamin Cleaves’s Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745- NEHGR- Vol. 66, pp. 113- 24 (Apr. 1912)
16. ↑ Pepperrell Papers- Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol. I, p.295
17. ↑ letter from Eveleth to Pepperrell, Belknap Collection, MSS at Mass. Hist. Soc., B, p.167
18. ↑ Mass. Archives-LXXII, p.731
19. ↑ Sebago Lake Land- Herbert G. Jones, p.13
20. ↑ MA- LXXIII, p.737
21. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.14
22. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.27
23. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.41
24. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, pp. 108, 115-6, 120
25. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.158
26. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.74
27. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1750-1751, XXVII, p.129
28. ↑ MHS- Vol.I, p.123
29. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1751-1752, XXIX, p.15
30. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1753-1754, XXX, p.87
31. ↑ letter from Winslow to Lithgow, 14 July 1754, John Winslow Journal, MSS at Mass. Hist. Soc.
32. ↑ Mass. Archives- XCIII, pp.107,118-9,127,131-45
33. ↑ Provincial Papers of New Hampshire- Vol.VI, p.364, original in Fogg Autograph Collection, MHS
34. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
35. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
36. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
37. ↑ Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia- T. B. Akins, p.267
38. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
39. ↑ The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, Lt. Col. Monckton's Journal, 3 Sept. 1755
40. ↑ London Magazine for 1755, p.627; Supplement to the Boston Gazette, 6 Oct. 1755
41. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
42. ↑ Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society- Vol. III, pp.94-5
43. ↑ Prelude from the 1893 Cambridge Edition
44. ↑ The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, Lt. Col. Monckton's Journal, 10 Sept. 1755
45. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
46. ↑ Journal of Abijah Willard- NB Hist. Soc. Coll., 18 Sept. 1755
47. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- NEHGR- Vol. 33, p. 384
48. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
49. ↑ Diary of John Thomas- Surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 Against the Acadians- Frank Moore, NEHGR- Vol. 33, pp. 383- 98 (Oct. 1879)
50. ↑ Journal of Abijah Willard- NB Hist. Soc. Coll., 5 Jan. 1756
51. ↑ Orderly Book of Major Frye- Newberry Library, 6 Feb. 1756
52. ↑ John Winslow Journal- Mass. Hist. Soc., F, 40
53. ↑ Mass. Archives- LV, p.384
54. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 2070
55. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 2070
56. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 2983
57. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 3174
58. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 4662
59. ↑ Mass. Archives-LVI, p. 116
60. ↑ Mass. Archives-LVI, p. 174
61. ↑ Boston Evening Post- 8 Aug. 1757
62. ↑ Boston Evening Post- 8 Aug. 1757
63. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 4050
64. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 4479
65. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 4660A
66. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 4660A
67. ↑ Parkman Transcripts- Mass. Hist. Soc., XLII, p.154
68. ↑ Journal of the Rev. Paul Coffin- MHS Coll., Vol. IV, p. 284
69. ↑ Mass. Archiaves- LVI, p.220
70. ↑ Loudoun Papers- Huntington Library, San Marino, Cal., LO 5309
71. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1757-1758, XXXVI, part 2, p.293
72. ↑ Captain John Knox's Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America, 1757-1760- Arthur G. Doughty, Vol.III, p.306
73. ↑ The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, 25 July 1759
74. ↑ The Forts of Chignecto- J.C. Webster, 7 Aug. 1759
75. ↑ Fragment and Orderly Book by Captain Jonathan Eddy- Clara A. Avery, 30 Sept. & 1 Oct. 1759
76. ↑ Land Grants- NS Provincial Archives, Reel 98, Book 2, p.174
77. ↑ Council Minutes, 1757-1760- NS Archives, CCXI, p.90
78. ↑ Fragment and Orderly Book by Captain Jonathan Eddy- Clara A. Avery, 22 Oct. 1759
79. ↑ Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia- T. B. Akins, pp.311-2
80. ↑ Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 15 Jan. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
81. ↑ Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 4 Feb. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
82. ↑ A History of Nova Scotia- Beamish Murdoch, Vol. II, p.396
83. ↑ Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 10 Mar. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
84. ↑ Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 2 May 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
85. ↑ Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia- T. B. Akins, p.479
86. ↑ Orderly Book of Sergeant Josiah Perry- 9 Sept. 1760, MSS at American Antiquarian Soc.
87. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1761-1762, XXXVIII, part 2, p.286
88. ↑ Silvio A. Bedini, Early American Scientific Instruments and Their Makers (Washington, D.C., 1964), pp. 85-92. See listing for the NMAH at: http://americanhistory.si.edu/collections/surveying/object.cfm?recordnumber=745856
89. ↑ The Massachusetts Civil List for the Colonial and Provincial Periods, 1630-1774- p.135
90. ↑ Lincoln Co. Registry of Deeds- Vol.II, pp.133-4
91. ↑ Lincoln Co. Registry of Deeds- Vol.VI, pp.147-9
92. ↑ MA- CXVIII, pp.87-8
93. ↑ Fryeburg, An Historical Sketch- John S. Barrows, pp.71-3; Oxford Co. Registry of Deeds- Vol.I, p.11
94. ↑ Andover TR, Andover Library, frame 5205
95. ↑ Ride to Piggwacket- Rev. Paul Coffin, MHS Coll., Vol. IV, pp. 284-6
96. ↑ Essex Co. Registry of Deeds- CXXX, p.230
97. ↑ letter from Joseph Frye to Simon Frye, 26 Apr. 1770, Fryeburg Hist. Soc.
98. ↑ The Poets of Maine- George B. Griffith, p.2
99. ↑ The Massachusetts Civil List- Whitmore, p.148
100. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1770-1771, XLVII, pp.102,123
101. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts-1771-1772, XLVIII, p.12
102. ↑ Mass. Archives- CLXXXI, p.53
103. ↑ Mass. Archives- CLXXXI, p.53
104. ↑ Elbridge Gerry to the Massachusetts Delegates, 20 June 1775, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-03-02-0025 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 3, May 1775 – January 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 39–43.
105. ↑ Mass. Archives- CLXXXI, p.53
106. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. II, pp. 1432-3
107. ↑ Warren Adams Letters- Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., LXXII, p.90
108. ↑ Etting Coll., Hist. Soc. of Penn., Vol.III, p.33
109. ↑ Jedidiah Preble Diary- 5 Aug. 1775, MSS at NEHGS
110. ↑ To John Adams from Joseph Frye, 25 August 1775, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-03-02-0068-0001 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 3, May 1775 – January 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 122-4.
111. ↑ The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol. III, p.461
112. ↑ From George Washington to John Hancock, 31 August 1775, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-01-02-0285 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 1, 16 June 1775 – 15 September 1775, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1985, pp. 390–393
113. ↑ letter from Ward to Adams, 30 Oct. 1775, Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc., XLIII, p.95
114. ↑ “To John Adams from Samuel Osgood, 23 October 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-03-02-0119 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 3, May 1775 – January 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 231–234
115. ↑ Letters of Members of the Continental Congress- Edmund C. Burnett, Vol. I, p.255
116. ↑ Naval Documents of the American Revolution- William B. Clark, Vol. II, pp.1139-42
117. ↑ To George Washington from Samuel Freeman, 17 November 1775, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-02-02-0359 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 2, 16 September 1775 – 31 December 1775, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1987, pp. 390–391
118. ↑ Naval Documents of the American Revolution- William B. Clark, Vol. II, pp.1139-42
119. ↑ letter from Frye to Freeman, 6 Jan. 1776, Willis Coll., MHS
120. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1502, 1505, 1509
121. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1593-4
122. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. IV, pp. 1638-40
123. ↑ To George Washington from Thomas Lynch, 16 January 1776, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0077 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 3, 1 January 1776 – 31 March 1776, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 108–111.
124. ↑ Armstrong to his wife, 6 Feb. 1776, Dreer Coll., Hist. Soc. of Penn.
125. ↑ Ward to Hancock, 3 Feb. 1776, Papers of the Continental Congress, National Archives
126. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. IV, pp. 1303-5
127. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. IV, p. 1451
128. ↑ The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol. IV, p.334
129. ↑ The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol. IV, p.362; also American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. IV, p. 1504, available at: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/cgi-bin/amarch/getdoc.pl?/var/lib/philologic/databases/amarch/.12253
130. ↑ To John Adams from Joseph Frye, 4 March 1776, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-04-02-0015 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 4, February–August 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 42–43.
131. ↑ Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed- William B. Reed, Vol. I, p.170
132. ↑ Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed- William B. Reed, Vol. I, p.173
133. ↑ Frye to Washington, 18 Mar. 1776, Papers of the Continental Congress, National Archives
134. ↑ From George Washington to John Hancock, 24 March 1776, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0390-0001 [last update: 2014-12-01]). Source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 3, 1 January 1776 – 31 March 1776, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 522–525
135. ↑ Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed- William B. Reed, Vol. I, p.179; see also American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. V, p. 489, available at: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/cgi-bin/amarch/getdoc.pl?/var/lib/philologic/databases/amarch/.13589
136. ↑ American Archives, fourth series, Vol. V, p.1048
137. ↑ The Writings of George Washington- John C. Fitzpatrick, Vol. V, p.3
138. ↑ The Life of Artemas Ward- Charles Martyn, p.217
139. ↑ Journal of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts- 1775-1776, LI, part 3, pp.171-2
140. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series IV, Vol. V, p. 1291
141. ↑ American Archives: Documents of the American Revolution- Series V, Vol. II, pp. 725-8; Document ID: S5-V2-PO1-sp22-D0001 available at: http://lincoln.lib.niu.edu/cgi-bin/amarch/getdoc.pl?/var/lib/philologic/databases/amarch/.23824
142. ↑ Fryeburg, An Historical Sketch- John S. Barrows, pp.102-3
143. ↑ Frye to Noyes, 28 Sept. 1778, Dept. of Rare Books and MSS, Boston Pub. Lib.
144. ↑ Fryeburg TR- 18 Aug. 1779, p.45
145. ↑ Documentary History of the State of Maine- XVII, pp.368-9
146. ↑ MSS at MHS
147. ↑ Frye to Parker, 9 June 1783, copy at MHS
148. ↑ Acts and Resolves of Massachusetts, 1782-1783- pp.510-1, 882-3
149. ↑ Maine Becomes a State, Ronald F. Banks, pp. 209-11
150. ↑ York Deeds- Vol.53, p.184
151. ↑ Fryeburg TR- 8 Jan. 1787, pp.193-9
152. ↑ Acts and Resolves of Massachusetts, 1782-1783, pp.510-1
153. ↑ York Deeds- Vol.53, p.185
154. ↑ York Co. Probate- No. 6386
155. ↑ The Eastern Herald- 2 Aug. 1794

• Major General Joseph Frye of Maine- The Life and Times of a Colonial Officer- Kenneth E. Thompson Jr., Univ. of S. Maine, Aug. 1981
• Source: S00069 Author: Ancestry.com Title: One World Tree (sm) Publication: Name: Name: Provo, UT, USA: The Generations Network, Inc., n.d.;; Repository: #R00001 NOTE Ancestry.com, One World Tree (sm) (Name: Provo, UT, USA: The Generations Network, Inc., n.d.;), Source Medium: (null) Source Medium: Ancestry.com. Repository: R00001

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Acknowledgments

• Thank you to Andrew White for creating WikiTree profile Frye-458 through the import of APW_2013-03-26.ged on Mar 26, 2013. Click to the Changes page for the details of edits by Andrew and others.
• Thank you to Stephen Howard, Monday, May 4, 2015.